肯尼迪就职演说背景

2024年2月15日发(作者：什么前什么后)

肯尼迪就职演说背景

【篇一：肯尼迪就职演讲背景分析 the background

meaning in john y inaugural address】

the background meaning in john f. kennedy?s inaugural

address 摘要:肯尼迪是美国历史上最年轻的总统,他的当选代表了二战后的年轻主张.肯

尼迪的就职演讲被认为是美国总统就职演讲中最为精彩的篇章之一,其语言简明、结构巧妙, 内容也反映了当时的政治，文化，社会背景，值得我们探究学习。

关键词:就职演讲;权利;核力量.

abstract: kennedy was the youngest person elected u.s.

president .his presidency

came to reprent the america youthful idealism in the

aftermath of world war ii. and kennedy?s address was

considered as one of the most wonderful in american history,

the words in it is short, well-organized, inflected the political,

culture, social background, and his ntences were worthing

study.

key words: inaugural address; rights; nuclear power.

president kennedy was an excellent speaker and writer;

kennedys speech object is global ，does not only aimed at the

american citizen, moreover in view of international judgment.

he applied various historics. such as, alleles, repetition,

alliteration, antithesis, metaphor, synecdoche. and he ud the

first person, let people in the same standpoint, feel

comfortable, so make it easy to win their support. he aroud

americans n of pride and responsibility, enabled the

speech having strong dition .in his address, we can learn the

political, social, cultural situations at that moment; appreciate

the art of his language.

y?s victory is all the people?s victory.

“we obrve today not a victory of party, but a celebration of

freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a

beginning--signifying renewal, as well as

change…”(张汉熙,1995,51-56)

kennedy emphasized that he become the

president of america is not only a victory of a party but also

embody the celebration of freedom. it symbolizing a new start ,

which fulfill hope, freedom. equal rights. it is also the victory of

all the american people and the human rights career.

new generations advocate freedom, equal rights and

peace.

“…we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first

revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to

friend and foe alike, that the torch has been pasd to a new

generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war,

disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient

heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing

of tho human rights to which this nation has always been

committed, and to which we are committed today at home and

around the world…”(张汉熙,1995,51-56)

some americans proudly called the 1950s the placid decade.

the united states had made huge profits in the cond world

as a result, the post-war years saw a degree of

prosperity of capitalist economy. the relation between capital

and labor became less inten.( 狄红秋,2008;209-211)there was

a relative peace. as to the new generation ,few of they have

been influenced by the old doctrine of pre-world war，they

witness the tragedy of war and the power of the nucleus.

americans are free—free to express to create, and ideally, to

solve problems, and expect to make the world a better place.

they ro with a respect, recognition for and expectation of

continued freedom; they have immen freedom and their

ancient people fought to have freedom.

3. diplomacy policy and nuclear power at kennedy?s times.

vs

“…

finally, to tho nations who would make themlves our

adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides

begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of

destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in

planned or but neither can two

great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our

prent cour--both sides overburdened by the cost of

modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of

the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance

of terror that stays the hand of mankinds final war.” (张汉熙,1995,51-56) at that time, the contradiction between socialism

countries and capitalistic states is still sharp. ever since the

advent of atomic bombs at the end of the cond world war,

the nuclear weapon has played a very important part in united

states world strategy. in its rivalry with the former soviet union,

the united states had ud its nuclear arnal either as a trump

card or as a

bargaining chip according to the ever-changing balance of

power.

cuba nuclear crisis.

soon after his inauguration,

russians tried to install nuclear

missiles in cuba. when this was

discovered in october y

impod quarantine on al offensive

weapons bound for cuba. while the

world trembled on the brink of

nuclear war, the russians backed

down and agreed to take he missiles

away… the months after the cuba crisis showed significant

progress toward kennedy?s goal of “a world of law and free

choice, banishing the world of war and coercion”. his

administration thus saw the beginning of new hope for both

the equal rights of americans and the peace of the world.

5.” …become the host of our own…”america say to the

americas.

“…to tho new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the

free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall

not have pasd away merely to be replaced by a far more iron

tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting

our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly

supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the

past, tho who foolishly sought power by riding the back of

the tiger ended up inside…” “…let all our neighbors know that

we shall join with them to oppo aggression or subversion

anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that

this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own

hou….”(张汉熙,1995,51-56)

in this address, kennedy ud many metaphors to convey

implicated meanings. in the first ntence, he talked about

some countries were ud to ek the aids from socialist

country, but lost their freedom at last. he thought this is very

foolish, implying and treating the other countries don?t be

clo to socialism any more. next, he spoke in a sincerely tone,

calling on all the american people to protect their freedom,

their human rights … of cour, under their eldest brother --america?s leader. he compared “…his peaceful revolution of

” and “americas” to “…the prey hostile powers” and “a

hou” (李志坤, 2007:3), and america will never allow it,

americas should become the host of their own. once again, the

united states called on other countries to under the flag of

capitalistic to fight against socialism countries (the former

soviet union).

6. massive holy bible languages were ud in the address.

although kennedy?s address

was given to the whole world, as to

the people of english countries who

mostly is christian and believe in the

god, he quoted many ntences in the

bible. perhaps he thought that such

language style would arou the

n of agreement among english

countries, or on the other hand,

maybe this is becau kennedy

believes in catholicism. and people

always suspect whether he can fulfill

his responsibility impartially or not,

becau he is a catholic. in order to

reply this, in ptember of 1960,kennedy said he was not

catholic candidate for president; he was the democratic partys

candidate for president who happens also to be a catholic. and

he was not speaking for his church on public matters—and the

church does not speak for him. and kennedy also stresd

there are many other things which is much more important

than religion. war, hunger, ignorance and despair have no

religion limit, and we should u religion tolerance to rve the

national well-being. his speech restrained the noisy sound

surrounding his religion issues.

biography:

[1]狄红秋. celebration hall: presidents of the u.s.a.[ m ].天津：天津大学出版社，

2008，209-211.

[2]李志坤et al. 《肯尼迪就职演说词的语用含义探究》[j/ol]. cjfd收录刊, 科

技信息(学术研究) 2007年 09期,3.

[3]张汉熙et al. 《高级英语》[ m ].北京：外语教学与研究出版社,1995,51-56.

【篇二：肯尼迪就职演讲修辞分析】

[taking the oath of office]

1. vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice,

president einhower,

vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow

citizens:

2. our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

? 修辞分析：运用了antithesis 的修辞手法，前后结构一致，语义相反，容易吸引观众的注

意，达到演讲词开篇引人入胜的目的。这里“a victory of party”和“a celebration of freedom，”“an end”和“a beginning”等等分别构成对照，强调这不是一个政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利，是结束也是开端，是更新也是变革。

3. the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal

hands the power to

abolish? same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears

fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the

rights of man come ?? 修辞分析：该段子划线部分都运用了repetition的修辞手法。这里重复的使用主要是为了

分清层次，加强演讲词的节奏感和音律美，使读起来朗朗上口。

4. we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first

revolution. let the

word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike,

-- ??? 修辞分析：该段落划线部分运用了parallelism 的修辞手法。总共包括三组排比句，如段中

所示，第一组是过去分词引起的短语，第二组是形容词引起的短语，第三组是定语从句。排比句结构平衡,音韵和谐,语义紧凑,高潮迭起,极富感召力与鼓动性。排比的大量使用既能起到突出演讲主题的作用,又能令句子流畅,读起来朗朗上口,极富音乐般的节奏和感染力。 -

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5.

? 修辞分析：这句话运用了repetition和alliteration双重的修辞手法。首先是头韵法，如段

中阴影部分，“pay price“”bear burden“”survival

success“”friend foe”等这些头韵法的合理使用不仅使演说朗朗上口,富于乐感,从而抓住听众的注意力,而且通过在词首重复使用相同的辅音,使得音韵悠扬,节奏明快,增强了表现力,给人以深刻的印象,为演说增添了光彩。其二段中“any”的重复使用使演讲者观点紧凑，重点突出，有能很有效的调动听众的情感，从而达到演讲的目的。

6. this much we pledge -- and more.

7. to tho old allies who cultural and spiritual origins we

share, we pledge

the loyalty of faithful friends. a powerful challenge at odds and

split asunder.

? 修辞分析：段中划线部分运用了antithesis的修辞手法。这里主要是“united”和“divided”的

对照，一方面使得两句话对称整齐，音律和谐，读起来脍炙人口。另一方面强调了语义的对立，突出了“如果团结一致，我们就能在许多合作事业中无往而不胜，如果分歧对立，我们便会一事无成”这个主要观点。

8. to tho new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the

free, ?? 修辞分析：该段划线部分?运用了repetition的修辞手法，“shall”的重复使用使句式结构紧

凑，重点突出，同时调动听众的情感，引起共鸣，很好得表达了美国政府的决心和信念。 ? ?运用了metaphor的修辞手法。用比喻来阐述道理，使听众于生动的形象中得到启发，受 - 2 -

到感染，折服于演说家。这一句既表明演说家的态度，同时也是对本段上文的形象化总结，这远比讲美国今后不会对加入自由国家行列的其他国家进行奴役之类的承诺有说服力得多。

9. to tho people in the huts and villages of half the globe

struggling to break

the ?we pledge our best efforts to help them help themlves,

for whatever period is required -- not becau the communists

may be doing it, ??? 修辞分析：该段落划线部分中?运用了metaphor的修辞手法。该短语将“mass miry”对世

界各地人民的折磨隐喻为“bonds”，即枷锁，形象生动地将抽象的事物变得简单易懂，使听众易于接受和理解，并使能够引起听众的共鸣，达到演讲的效果。

? ?运用了repetition的修辞手法。该句中“becau”的重复使用一方面产生了音律美，使句

式整齐匀称，另一方面突出了演讲者所要表达的观点，调动了听众的情绪。

? ?运用了antithesis的修辞手法。该句中句式非常对称整齐，读起来朗朗上口，简洁明了，

音律和谐。同时通过语义上的对立突出强调了“如果不能帮助处在贫困中的人们，美国也就不能拯救少数的富人”这一观点。

10. to our ?, we offer a special pledge: to

convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for

progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting

off ?peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of

hostile powers. ? we shall join with them to oppo aggression

or this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own

hou.

? 修辞分析：该段落划线部分中?和?运用了metaphor的修辞手法。?句中将其他国家比作

“sister”，即兄弟姐妹，形象生动地将美国和南美国家的外交关系化抽象为具体，使听众对这 - 3 -

种关系有了一种更为直接的认识。同时表明了美国愿与南美国家之间保持友好、平等外交关系的立场。?中将贫穷隐喻为枷锁，锁链，突出了贫穷给人们带来的苦难，同时也隐隐说明了美国的老大的地位，想要领导全世界。

? ?运用了parallelism的修辞手法。划线部分都运用了“let..know

that”的句式，使得演讲词非

常的对称，读起来能够产生一种音律美和节奏感。

11. to that world asmbly of sovereign states, the united

nations, our last best

hope in an age where the instruments of war have far

outpaced the instruments ? 修辞分析：该段落划线部分运用了parallelism的修辞手法。段中“to...”引出了三个排比句，

排比的使用使得句子结构非常的整齐匀称，增强了气势，加强了演讲者对观点的表达和传输。

12. finally, to tho nations who would make themlves our

adversary, we offer

?before the ?of destruction unleashed by science engulf all

humanity in planned or accidental lf-destruction.

? 修辞分析：该演讲辞中从第七段到第十二段开头粗体字部分运用了parallelism的修辞手法。

又用了结构相似或相同的句子形成了排比。排比和反复的重叠使用使语意层层递进,增强了演讲的气势,突出了强调的内容,同时使演讲词读来韵律节奏分明,铿锵有力。

? ?运用了antithesis的修辞手法。使得句式结构整齐匀称，节奏感强，同时强调了美国提出

的是一项要求而不是请求。

? ?运用了metaphor的修辞手法。这里将“nuclear weapons”隐喻成了“dark power”，生动形

象地说明了原子武器的威力和危害性，也从侧面突出了我们应该响应美国的号召追求和平，杜绝原子武器的危害。

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13. we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our

arms are sufficient

that they will never be employed.

? 修辞分析：段中划线部分运用了repetition的修辞手法。“beyond doubt”的重复，有效地强

化了语意，更富节奏感，使演讲更有气势，同时加深了听众的印象。

14. but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations

take comfort from our

prent cour -- ? 修辞分析：段中粗体字部分运用了anaphora的修辞手法。首语重复的使用加强了演讲词的

节奏感，营造了一种音律美。同时结构上都是“”开头的句子，句式非常整齐匀称，在一定程度上也有利于吸引听众的兴趣。

15. so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that

civility is not a sign of

? 修辞分析：段中划线部分交错运用了chiasmus和antithesis的修辞手法。首先句中使用了

交错配列法，“negotiate”和“fear”在句中交错出现，传递了一种非常精炼，深层次的思考，使句子呈现出一种庄严和严肃的气氛，同时引导听众进行独立的思考。其二也用了对照，这里主要体现在语义上的对照，即不要因为恐惧而去谈判，而应不惧于去谈判。

16. let both sides? 修辞分析：段中划线部分运用了antithesis的修辞手法。该句子是“explore what problems”

和“belabor tho problems which divide us”的对照，这一方面让句子结构比较整齐匀称，读来有种莫名的节奏感和音律美，另一方面强调了语义上的对立，突出了演讲者的思想， - 5 -

【篇三：肯尼迪就职演讲稿,中英文】

friday, january 20, 1961

vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice,

president einhower, vice president nixon, president truman,

reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we obrve today not a victory

of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as

well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. for i

have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn

oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three

quarters ago.

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we

shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship,

support any friend, oppo any foe, in order to assure the

survival and the success of liberty.

this much we pledge--and more.

to tho old allies who cultural and spiritual origins we

share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united, there is

little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided,

there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful

challenge at odds and split asunder.

past, tho who foolishly sought power by riding the back of

the tiger ended up inside.

finally, to tho nations who would make themlves our

adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides

begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of

destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in

planned or accidental lf-destruction.

so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility

is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to

proof. let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to

negotiate.

let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of

belaboring tho problems which divide us.

all this will not be finished in the first 100 days. nor will it be

finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this

administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.

but let us begin.

in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest

the final success or failure of our cour. since this country

was founded, each generation of americans has been

summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves

of young americans who answered the call to rvice surround

the globe.

can we forge against the enemies a grand and global

alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a

more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic

effort?

and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can

do for you--ask what you can do for your country.

my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do

for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the

world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and

sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good

conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of

our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his

blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods

work must truly be our own.

约翰-肯尼迪 就职演讲

星期五,1961年1月20日

首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民：今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端，表示了一种更新，也表示了一种变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我

们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。现在的世界已大不相同了，人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利井非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。

今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落——为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无在而下胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵下休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由——而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地骑在虎背上谋求权力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告终。对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贪困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽量大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间——之所以这样做，并不是因为共产篇二：肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)

肯尼迪总统就职演说 （1961年1月20日）

inaugural address of john f. kennedyjanuary 20, 1961

vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice,

president

einhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend

clergy, fellow citizens:

约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们：

we obrve today not a victory of party but a celebration of

freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying

renewal as well as change. for i have sworn before you and

almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed

nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

我们今天所看到的，并非是某一党派的胜利，而是自由的庆典。它象征着结束，亦象征着开始；意味着更新，亦意味着变化。因为我已在你们及万能的上帝面前，依着我们先辈175年前写下的誓言宣誓。

今天，我们不敢有忘，我们乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此时，让这个声音从这里同时向

我们的朋友和敌人传达：火炬现已传递到新一代美国人手中——他们生于本世纪，既经受过战火的锤炼，又经历过艰难严峻的和平岁月的考验。他们深为我们古老的遗产所自豪——决不愿目睹或听任诸项人权受到无形的侵蚀，这些权利不仅为这个国家始终信守不渝，亦是我们正在国内和世界上誓死捍卫的东西。

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we

shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship,

support any friend, oppo any foe to assure the survival and

the success of liberty.

让每一个国家都知道，无论它们对我们抱有善意还是恶意，我们都准备付出任何代价、承受任何重任、迎战任何艰险、支持任何朋友、反对任何敌人，以使自由得以维系和胜利。 this much we pledge -- and more.

这是我们矢志不移的承诺，且远不止此！

to tho old allies who cultural and spiritual origins we

share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is

little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided

there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful

challenge at odds and split asunder. 对于那些与我们共享同一文化和精神源头的老朋友，我们许以朋友的忠诚。在许许多多的合作事业中，我们会尽己所能以促进我们的团结，而决不故意制造分裂，因为我们不敢轻易面对由分歧或体系崩溃而导致的巨大挑战。remember that, in the past, tho who foolishly sought power

by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

对于那些新成立的国家，我们欢迎它们加入自由阵营，并在此许以忠告：某种形式的殖民控制决不会仅仅因为被另一种更为残酷的霸权所取代就消声匿迹。我们不会期待他们始终支持我们的观点，但我们希望他们能始终坚定地维护他们自己的自由——并且牢记，在

过去，那些愚蠢地骑上独裁的虎背以谋求权力的人最终都以葬身虎腹而告终。

对于那些寄居于大半个地球上的草舍村落、为着挣脱无尽苦难的枷锁而奋斗的人民，我们承诺将尽我们最大的努力，以使他们获得自助的能力。因为这是时代对我们提出的要求——不是因为共～产～党人可能如此行事、不是因为我们需要他们的选票，仅仅是因为这样做是正当的。

if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot

save the few who are rich.

如果一个自由的社会不能帮助贫穷的多数，它就不能拯救那富裕的少数。

对于我们的南部邻邦共和国，我们许以特殊的承诺：将我们的良言转为善行，在为了进步而结成的新盟邦里，帮助自由的人民和自由的政府摆脱贫困。但这一希翼中的和平革命不能成为敌对势力的牺牲品，让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们一道，反对发生在美洲任何地区的侵略和颠覆。

and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends

to remain the master of its own hou.

让所有其他势力都知道，这一半球的人民致力于维护他们作为自己家园主人的地位。对于那个主权国家的世界性会议组织——联合国，我们最后一次良好祝愿是发生在战争机器远远超过和平机器的时代。为了防止它沦为仅仅用来谩骂攻讦的论坛，为了加强它对新成立国家及弱小国家的保障功能、为了扩展其权力涵盖的领域，我们现在重申对它的支持承诺。 finally, to tho nations who would make

themlves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request:

that both sides begin anew the quest for peace -- before the

dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all

humanity in planned or accidental lf-destruction. 最后，对于那些主动站到我们敌对面的国家，我们提出的不

是许诺，而是恳求：在被科学释放出的、黑暗的破坏力量以有计划的或偶然性的自我毁灭方式吞噬全人类之前，恳求双方再一次地开始谋求和平的努力。

我们不敢以软弱诱惑它们，因为只有当我们的军备充足到确切无疑的程度时，我们才能确切无疑地肯定它们永远不会被投入使用。但这两个强大的国家集团都无法从彼此当前的做法中得到安慰——双方都背负了过高的现代武器系统的成本、双方都理所当然地对致死

性原子武器的持续扩散感到惊恐不安，但双方都竞相改变不确定的恐怖均衡，这种均衡恰恰抑制了人类最后摊牌的冲动。

let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to

negotiate. 让我们永远不要因为惧怕而谈判，让我们永远不要惧怕谈判。

let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of

belaboring tho problems which divide us.

让双方探寻那些能将我们团结在一起的因素，而不是那些刻意挑出那些分裂我们的因素。 let both sides, for the first time, formulate

rious and preci proposals for the inspection and control of

arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations

under the absolute control of all nations.

让双方首先提出认真细致的方案来核查及控制军备，并将毁灭其他国家的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

让双方努力去激发科学的奇迹，而非科学的恐怖。让我们一同探索星空、征服沙漠、消除疾病、开发海洋深处，鼓励艺术和商业。

让双方在世界每一个角落，都共同信守《圣经．以赛亚书》中的教诲——“卸下重负??让被压迫者自由。”

and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle

of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor --

not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where

the strong are just, and the weak cure, and the peace

prerved.如果合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑，让双方携手进行新的努力——不是为了建立新的势力均衡，而是为了建立新的规则体系——以使强者正义，弱者安全，和平维系

all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. nor

will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life

of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this

planet. but let us begin.

所有这些工作将不会在从现在起的一百天、一千天内完成，也不会在本届行政分支任期内完成，甚至可能不会在我们的有生之年完成，但是，请让我们现在开始工作。

in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the

final success or failure of our cour. since this country was

founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to

give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young

americans who answered the call to rvice surround the

globe.

我的同胞们，我们事业的最终成败将掌握在你们的手中而不仅仅是我的手中。从这个国家被创建那天起，每一代美国人都被召唤去证实自己对国家的忠诚。那些响应号召献身国家的年轻美国人的安息之所遍布全球。

can we forge against the enemies a grand and global

alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a

more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic

effort?

为了反对这些敌人，我们能够将南方与北方、东方与西方团结起来，熔铸成一个伟大的和全球性的联盟，以确保全人类得享更为成果累累的生活吗？你们愿意参与这项历史性的努力吗？

在世界历史的长河里，只有少数几代人被赋予了在自由面临最大危机时捍卫自由的使命，我不会畏缩于这一责任——我欢迎它！我也不相信我们中的任何人会愿意与其他国家的人民或其他世代的人民易地而处。我们在这场努力中所倾注的精力、信念和奉献将照耀我们的国家以及所有为之献身的人，火焰所放射出的光芒必将普照全世界。

and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can

do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

所以，我的美国同胞们，不要问你的国家为你做了什么，而应问你能为你的国家做些什么。my fellow citizens of the world, ask not

what america will do for you, but what together we can do for

the freedom of man.

我的世界同胞们，不要问美国将为你做些什么，而应问我们应该一起为了全人类的自由做些什么finally, whether you are citizens of

america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high

standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a

good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final

judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love,

asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on

earth gods work must truly be our own.

最后，无论是美国公民还是世界其他国家的公民，请用我们要求于你们的关于力量和牺牲的高标准来要求我们，本着我们唯一可以指望有所回报的善意良知，依着能最终裁决我们功业的历史，让我们着手领导我们所热爱的国家，在祈求神的赐福和神的帮助的同时，也能深切体认，在这片土地上，神的工作必定也是我们自己所应承担的使命。篇三：肯尼迪就职演讲-中英对照-完美翻译-经典名句

vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice,

president einhower, vice president nixon, president truman,

reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

we obrve today not a victory of party, but a celebration of

freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning --

signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before

you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears

prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着更新，也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。

现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与，而是上帝所赐。

we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first

revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to

friend and foe alike, that the torch has been pasd to a new

generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by

war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our

ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow

undoing of tho human rights to which this nation has always

been

我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶，以我们的古代传统自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移，当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。 let every nation know, whether it

wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any

burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppo any foe,

to