镇江培训2023优秀的英语演讲稿
英文小话剧
2023优秀的英语演讲稿1苏州少儿英语班
尊敬的老师、亲爱的同学们：
大家好！
今天，我很荣幸地走上讲台，我要竞聘的职位是英语课代表。那我为什么会竞聘这个职位呢？原因有以下几点：
1、我非常喜欢英语，成绩也不错。我想：只要我从小就学好英语，长大后肯定会有用的。
2、我是一个活泼开朗的人，如果我胜任了这个职位，会尽可能地为大家服务，让大家的英语成绩共同提高。
ping是什么意思
3、每堂英语课，我都仔细地听讲，下课后认真复习。回家后我会认真完成英语回家作业，不会的难题还能请教我那教英语的妈妈。教学水平高的妈妈总会耐心地给我讲解为什么要这么写。
班委的责任是重大的，但请大家相信我，我一定不会辜负老师和同学们对我的期望，全心全意为同学们服务。
希望老师和各位同学信任我、支持我，投上你宝贵的一票吧！
我的演讲完了，谢谢大家！
2023优秀的英语演讲稿2
They must e Americans as strange liberators. The Vietname people proclaimed their own independence in 1954 -- in 1945 rather -- after a combined French and Japane occupation and before the communist revolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refud to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of her former colony. Our government felt then that the Vietname people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. Wi推迟英文
th that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government eking lf-determination and a government that had been established not by China -- for whom the Vietname have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.
For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to recolonize Vietnam. Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.
After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came the United States, d
etermined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chon man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refud even to discuss reunification with the North. The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States' influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem's methods had aroud. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators emed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.
The only change came from America, as we incread our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promis of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietname, the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs ar
e rarely met. They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.
So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and e thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They e the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They e the children lling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.
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What do the peasants think as we ally ourlves with the landlords and as we refu to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among the voiceless ones?
deviation We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.
日文翻译公司 Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. Soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bas and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as the. Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and rai the questions they cannot rai. The, too, are our brothers.
kailalaos Perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for tho who have been designated as our enemies. What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call "VC" or "communists"? What must they think of the United Stat
es of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the North" as if there were nothing more esntial to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. Surely we must e that the men we supported presd them to their violence. Surely we must e that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.
