GeoJournal60:249–257,2004.爱情女神英文版
©2004Kluwer Academic Publishers.Printed in the Netherlands.
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Urban tourism and small tourism enterpri development in Johannesburg:The ca of township tourism
Christian M.Rogerson
School of Geography,Archaeology and Environmental Studies,University of the Witwatersrand,Johannesburg,South Africa (E-mail:RogersonC@geoarc.wits.ac.za)
Key words:Johannesburg,small tourismfirms,township tourism,urban tourism
Abstract
Urban tourism is a focus of vibrant rearch in developed countries.In this paper the focus is upon an element of urban tourism in a developing world city,viz.,Johannesburg.Specific attention centers on an analysis of the role of small enterpri development in urban tourism.The major issues surrounding the development of small tourism business in two of Johannesburg’s former black townships,namely Soweto and Alexandra,which are emerging as centers for so-termed ‘township tourism’in South Africa,are investigated.
Urban tourism as a rearch focus
As a result of global economic restructuring and the decline of traditional manufacturing activities in many cities of the developed world,over the past two decades many urban gov-ernments have turned to tourism as one element of strategies for economic regeneration and local economic development (Law,1996;Beauregard,1998;Telfer,2002).Accordingly, many localities which formerly were centers of production have been re-constructed and re-invented as centers of con-sumption(Harvey,1989;Judd,1995).Of the United States experience,Beauregard(1998,p.220)notes that many of the country’s large cities now“list tourism as one of their most important economic cto
rs”.Indeed,in the United States, Fainstein and Gladstone(1999)go so far as to argue that, other than tourism,cities nowadays have few options for economic development.Beginning in the USA,spreading into Western Europe and most recently reaching into Aus-tralia,New Zealand and Singapore,the promotion of tourism has become a vital element in contemporary planning for urban economic development(e Page,1993;Judd,1995; Van den Berg et al.,1995;Chang et al.,1996;Murphy, 1997;Beauregard,1998;Chang,1999;Law,2000;Yeoh and Chang,2001;Ioannides,2003).
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Localities u tourism as an‘invisible export’in the same way that they may u the production of tangible manufac-tured or agricultural goods in order to“fulfil their overriding economic goals of wealth creation,employment generation and enhancement of the host population’s living standards”(Ioannides,2003,p.41).As a ctoral focus for develop-ment promotion,tourism is sought by city managers and urban planners becau of the positive impacts that it can offer for local economies in terms of job creation and en-terpri development(Law,1993;Swarbrooke,1999,2000).More especially,in the context of global restructuring and de-industrialization,tourism offers opportunities for the re-newal of many urban economies that are in decline(Law, 1996)and in particular providing a source of employment in situat
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ions where other options are limited(Fainstein and Gladstone,1999).Nevertheless,tourism also plays a wider role by assisting to enhance the image of the localities especially in terms of tourism’s role in the physical regen-eration of the inner cities of many European and American cities(Karski,1990;Owen,1990;Law,1992;Beauregard, 1998).In light of its significance,Swarbrooke(1999,p.174) obrves:“tourism-bad urban regeneration has become a major phenomenon in the past two decades.”
For many cities,the focus within urban tourism promo-tion has been to capitali upon their potential for business travel and tourism(Swarbrooke and Horner,2001).Special interest tourism has been the foundation of urban tourism planning in other parts of the world(Page,1993).Swar-brooke(1999,p.172)records that:“New visitor attractions and festivals have been ud to try to revive the fortunes of cities from New York and Baltimore to Liverpool and Bradford.”Across both North America and Europe,cities re-discovered their cultural and artistic resources as anchors for economic regeneration;prestigious arts festivals,major local and international sports competitions and other high profile events were widely ud as symbols of economic re-birth and the renewal of city confidence(Bianchini and Parkinson, 1993;Judd,1995).In addition,mega-tourist events,other-wi referred to as hallmark or special events,assumed a key role in urban tourism marketing and promotion strategies (Murphy,1997).
Overall,Ioannides(2003,p.39)can obrve a world-wide trend for contemporary policy-makers and planners to “have begun to pay rious attention to tourism as an eco-
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nomic panacea.”The role of entrepreneurial localities is of creating tourism demands through the enhancement of the tourism resources and rvices in the areas(Harvey,1989; Law,1992,1993;Judd and Fainstein,1999).As elements of the tourism portfolio,the development of inner-city leis-ure spaces,waterfront developments,festival market places, casinos,muums,conference centres and sports stadia are the physical manifestations of a major wave of local eco-nomic development initiatives surrounding urban tourism and economic regeneration(Law,1991,1996;Swarbrooke, 1999;Couch and Farr,2000;McCarthy,2002).
In terms of scholarly rearch,Law(1992,p.599)ar-gues that the topic of urban tourism,“is only gradually being recognid.”From itsfirst origins in the1980s(e Ashworth,1989),an upsurge of rearch took place dur-ing the1990s on issues surrounding urban tourism,more especially as an increasing number of‘non-traditional’des-tinations became involved in the promotion of urban tourism (Owen,1990;Law,1991,1996;Page,1995;Judd and Fain-stein,1999;Macdonald,2000;Tyler,2000;Pear
ce,2001). Nevertheless,despite a growing interest in the relationships between urban regeneration,local economic development and tourism,it was stresd that urban tourism“still re-mains a comparatively unrearched area”(Hall and Page, 1999,p.162).More especially,one theme that is markedly under-reprented in urban tourism rearch concerns the role of small and medium sized enterpris.Notwithstand-ing a rising tempo of rearch on small tourismfirms,with notable works by Shaw and Williams(1998,2002,2004), Page et al.(1999),Wanhill(1999)and Thomas(1998,2000, 2004),it remains that there is“a gap in the literature con-cerning small tourism business in urban areas”(Schofield 2001,p.434).This neglect of small tourism enterpris in urban tourism is viewed as“not surprising given that it is only relatively recently that both urban tourism and small tourism business have become of interest to academics and that very few cities have access to comprehensive informa-tion about either the nature of their tourism industry or small tourism business”(Schofield,2001,p.435).
The esntial aim in this paper is to address what has been described as this“sizeable gap in our knowledge and understanding”within writings on urban tourism concerning the specific role and operations of small tourism enterpris (Schofield,2001,p.447).More particularly,the focus here is upon analyzing the ca of urban tourism and small en-terpri development in Johannesburg,South
Africa’s major city.Unlike the context for the vast majority of writings concerning urban tourism,Johannesburg reprents a devel-oping world ca study in urban tourism(Rogerson,2002, 2003a).Nevertheless,in common with the experience of many cities in the developed world,with a downturn in the absorption of labour in Johannesburg’s formal manu-facturing economy,the city’s managers have turned to the promotion of tourism as one element of a broader strategy for urban economic revitalization.The key elements for tourism promotion in Johannesburg have involved the de-velopment of business tourism,and especially of the MICE (meetings,incentives,conferences and exhibitions)gment as typified by the hosting in2002of the World Summit on Sustainable Development(Rogerson,2002,2003a).Another focus for tourism development in Johannesburg concerns the stimulation of cross-border or regional tourism,which eks to maximi the city’s attractions for shopping,health,meet-ings or sports for visitors to South Africa from other parts of sub-Saharan Africa.Support for cultural tourism is a further element in the city’s tourism development initiatives(Dirsu-weit,1999).Geographically,the major tourism nodes within Johannesburg are concentrated in the city’s richer(formerly ‘white’space)areas(Rogerson,2002).None the less,there have been increasing attempts to encourage aflow of visitors into the city’s poorer areas,and in particular into the former so-termed black townships(Greater Johannesburg Metropol-itan Council,2000).In this paper,the focus of attention is upon the major issues surrounding the developm
ent of small tourism business in two of Johannesburg’s former black townships,namely Soweto and Alexandra(Figure1),which are emerging as centers for so-termed‘township tourism’in South Africa.
Urban tourism SMME development:Soweto and Alexandra英语听力材料
et是什么The emergence of the activity of township tourism is largely a phenomenon of the post-apartheid period after South Africa’s democratic transition in1994.Until1994heritage tourism in South Africa was esntially synonymous with ‘white heritage’and reflected exclusively the needs and in-terests of the country’s white minority(Goudie et al.,1999). Moreover,during the apartheid period many townships were regarded as‘no go’zones for people of other than black race thus reducing theflow of potential visitors(Nxumalo, 2003).With political transition and the parallel growth of South Africa’s tourism economy,the townships have be-come more accessible and opportunities have opened for black South African communities to recount their stories of their struggles against apartheid to a receptive audience after decades of having their voices represd by a hostile gov-ernment(Scheyvens,2002).Further,the growth of township tours has provided opportunities for the running of township bed and breakfast establishments as a new form of tourism accommodation in South Africa(Rogerson,2004).
As Goudie et al.(1999,pp.27–28)obrved,the Black spaces of South Africa“have largely been terra incognita for the tourism industry and,conquently black South Africans have been given little opportunity to participate as part-ners or leaders within this industry ctor.”More recently, this situation has been changing and in Johannesburg and Cape Town,in particular,township tours have become in-creasingly popular among international visitors.This form of tourism brings visitors to the sites of significance to the anti-apartheid movement as well as improving tourists’understanding of poverty issues of historically oppresd communities.Indeed,becau of its features,township tour-ism has been styled as a South African variant of“justice tourism”(Scheyvens,2002).Much controversy has surroun-ded township tourism,however,with many residents highly
251 Figure1.The Location of Soweto and Alexandra within Johannesburg.
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critical of its development.It has been argued that many tours in the poverty-ridden townships of South Africa are “voyeuristic money spinners’that charge visitors for the ex-perience of watching local people in the same manner as animals in a zoo”(Nxumalo,2003).
Of critical importance,Scheyvens(2002,p.107)asrts, is to ek to understand whether this form of tourism can offer local people real opportunities for economic empower-ment.Correspondingly,it is im
portant to analy whether this unique element of urban tourism in South Africa con-tributes to addressing the national goal of transformation in the ownership structure of the tourism economy,through promoting an increasing share of black-ownership,es-pecially through small enterpri development(Rogerson, 2003c).Potential new opportunities are offered by township tourism for entrepreneurs to be engaged in a range of activit-ies,including tour guiding,the provision of accommodation, food,rvices and local entertainment in the‘new tourism spaces’of urban South Africa(Nxumalo,2003;Totouwe, 2003).
croireIn this ction,three ts of discussion are prented. First,the emergence of Soweto and Alexandra townships as focal points for tourism is sketched.Against this back-ground,in the cond and third ctions thefindings are prented of a total of60interviews which were con-ducted across a range of different tourism small,medium and micro-enterpri(SMME)entrepreneurs operating in Soweto(35interviews)and Alexandra(25interviews).To-gether the interviews provide a profile of small urban tourism entrepreneurs and their enterpris as well as an analysis of the key constraints and support needs of the emerging small tourism enterpris.Overall,thefindings of the interviews with tourism SMMEs point to veral key challenges that need to be addresd if the wider goals of empowerment and transformation in South Africa’s tourism economy are ever to be realized(Rogerson,2003b,2004). The emergence of Soweto and Alexandra as tourism destinations
With a population estimated at over two million,Soweto is the esntial creation of an impressive history of policies of racial gregation and of social exclusion in South Africa. Soweto is the esntial underside of Johannesburg as an ‘unequal city’(Beall et al.,2002)and its name is syn-onymous with the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. More broadly,Soweto has been styled as“a city of con-trasts:with luxurious mansions across the road from tin
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shanties,greenfields and streams around the corner from piles of garbage,the biggest public hospital in the world with the world’s highest HIV infection rate,and a friendli-ness and cheerfulness that disguis a high unemployment rate”(Davie,2001).Although accurate data on unemploy-ment in Soweto is lacking,the most recent information suggests a rate of45—50%(Beall et al.,2002),a level of un-employment which highlights the imperative for job creation and entrepreneurship development.
As an emergent tourism destination within South Africa, the township’s important role in the anti-apartheid struggle is heavily emphasized.In Soweto the major cluster of tour-ism products and tourism SMMEs is to be found in the area of Orlando West which contains the famous landmarks of the Hector Petern Memorial and the Mandela Mu-um(Totouwe,2003).Since the democratic transition in 1994,tours of Soweto have grown considerably and by2003 there were veral registered operators who escort visitors on organized tours through the township.The most recent estimates are that Soweto receives on average107,000inter-national visitors per annum.Many of the visitors choo to follow the so-termed‘struggle route’tour of Soweto(Ma-jola,2003).The typical tourist tour incorporates a visit to Chris Hani Baragwanath Hospital,the world’s largest public hospital,
a local shebeen and the township’s historical attrac-tions,including the home of Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and the former homes of apartheid struggle activists such as Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Walter Sisulu(City of Johannesburg,2001;Davie,2001).The‘Soweto experience’tour,which is offered by an association of small tourism and hospitality business in Soweto,focus on the historical attractions of the Mandela Muum,the Hector Petern Memorial as well as visit to traditional healers(sangomas),‘shebeen hopping’,art and craft markets,traditional wed-dings and church rvices.Increasingly,visitors are offered also a trip to a township restaurant specializing in‘Soweto cuisine’.The advertising proclaims that with the choice of a range of extensive dishes“pap,samp dumpling,vegetables, salads,chicken,meat or mhodu(tripe)”that“You have not yet been in Soweto if you have not tried the Soweto cuisine”(Vuwani Tour Village Association,2003).
By contrast to Soweto,Alexandra is situated within what is arguably South Africa’s most affluent suburban area, Sandton.Yet,the history and lives of Alexandrans could not be more different to tho of Johannesburg’s affluent white residents(Allie,2003).Alexandra is a place that is characterized by poverty and where60%of its estimated 350,000population are unemployed(Alexandra Renewal Project,2003).Since its foundation in1912,the residents of Alexandra have provided labour for the factories and homes of northern Johannesburg(Tourikis,1985).The township’s population grew rapidl
y,albeit the abnce of adequate r-vices and infrastructure meant that residents always lived in bad conditions,earning Alexandra the name of the‘Dark City’.For many years the township’s future hung in the bal-ance as the apartheid government attempted to remove it as part of its so-termed‘black spots’removal programme.In line with apartheid planning the governing National Party wished to convert Alexandra into a hostel township albeit community resistance forced it to back down from this grand plan.Overall,Alexandra has a long association and history of resistance struggle,from the bus boycotts of the1940s and1950s,the women’s anti-pass laws campaign to the mass struggles of the1980s.Nevertheless,as a result of a long his-tory of neglect by government,Alexandra became one of the poorest and yet most denly populated areas in South Africa with escalating levels of overcrowding,unemployment and crime.
Alexandra has lagged behind Soweto in terms of the growth of township tourism.As part of its urban renewal ini-tiatives the democratic government identified Alexandra as an area requiring urgent re-development.In February2001, Alexandra was declared a Presidential Project by President Thabo Mbeki with the launch of the Alexandra Renewal Project,which has an estimated budget of R1.3billion(Al-exandra Renewal Project,2003).One component of this development project is the promotion of a t of new tourism and heritage initiatives anchored upon the township’s rich history(
Kaplan,2003).Tours in Alexandra focus upon the cultural history of the township as well as visits to shebeens and jazz venues and to the local craft market.The beginnings of tourism development in Alexandra,however,preceded the introduction of the Alexandra Renewal Project.In particular, there were a number of attempts to promote township tour-ism and Alexandra as an‘alternative tourism’destination as part of both the World Summit on Sustainable Development and the International Cricket Cup(Thale,2002;Allie,2003). The tourism component of the Alexandra Renewal Project aims to bring together the various pre-existing tourism initi-atives in Alexandra in a well-planned and cohesive manner. As Kaplan(2004,p.51)obrves:“In some ways this was in reaction to the development of tourism in Soweto which had happened in a relatively ad hoc manner.”
Soweto and Alexandra are now marketed as esntial destinations for tourists spending time in Johannesburg. Plans are well advanced for the establishment in Soweto of a new tourism information centre which is to be a venue “where tourists will be able to get a multi-faceted overview of Soweto in a world-class multi-media format”(Majola, 2003).In both Soweto and Alexandra,currently there is a focus upon using township tourism as a lever for promoting small enterpri development by local entrepreneurs.The promotion of black entrepreneurs,running small tourism enterpris,is now an esntial part of a wider national gov-ernment programme of transform
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ation in the South African tourism industry,which continues to be heavily dominated by white entrepreneurs(Rogerson,2004).
A profile of township tourism enterpris and entrepreneurs At the outt of investigating tourism small enterpri de-velopment in the two areas of Johannesburg,it must be re-iterated that Soweto is a far more established focus for township tourism than is Alexandra.Indeed,the interna-tional profile enjoyed by Soweto as a symbol of the political struggle against apartheid meant that thefirst real growth of township tourism in the post-apartheid period occurred
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in Soweto.It was only in the late1990s that other town-ships across South Africa sought to replicate the Soweto experience and to benefit from attracting groups of interna-tional visitors interested in experiencing this form of justice tourism(Scheyvens,2002).In the specific ca of Alexan-dra,the World Summit on Sustainable Development held in Johannesburg during2002afforded an important win-dow of opportunity and impetus for Alexandra to emerge as a new focus on the township tourism map of South Africa.Soweto’s leadership in township tourism remains clear and since2000there have been certain attempts made by Johannesburg municipal authorities to promote Soweto as part
of wider planning for urban tourism promotion in Johannesburg as a whole(Greater Johannesburg Southern Metropolitan Council,2000;Rogerson,2003a).Overall,it is estimated that by2003,Soweto was receiving a dailyflow of approximately1600(mainly international)tourists and ranked as sixteenth in the national listing of most popular tourism destinations for international visitors to South Africa (Totouwe,2003).
The differential emergence and history of tourism in the two townships accounts for a number of obrved dif-ferences between the characteristics of entrepreneurs and enterpris in the sample of interviews.The60interviews conducted with township entrepreneurs in the two areas of Johannesburg disclo a diver range of small enterpris involved in the township tourism economy.The25inter-views in Alexandra included8SMMEs operating as tour guides,11SMMEs involved in an array of cultural tour-ism activities(artists,jazz,crafts,dance,making of cultural dolls)as well as6transport operators.Within the group of 35interviews in Soweto were included11Bed and Breakfast operators,22producers and/or llers curios or craft goods, one operator of a restaurant and one muum operator.The undeveloped nature of the tourism accommodation ctor in Alexandra as compared to Soweto is a notable difference between the two areas.
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In terms of the age profile of entrepreneurs,thefind-ings for Alexandra show that10entrepreneurs wer
e aged between21–30years;10aged between31–40years;4 between41–50years and one entrepreneur in the age range 51–60years.Overall,this profile is of a relatively youthful group of tourism SMME entrepreneurs with the group of tour guides/operators mostly less than30years.A somewhat different age profile was disclod for the township tour-ism entrepreneurs of Soweto.In Soweto,10entrepreneurs were aged between21–30years;9between31–40years;3 between41–50years;and,13between51–60years.The generally older profile for tourism entrepreneurs in Soweto is,to some extent,explained by the inclusion of the group of B&B operators who are mostly aged more than50 years(e Rogerson,2004).Certain differences emerged also between the group of Alexandra and Soweto entrepren-eurs as regards their gender profile.The sample in Alexandra was predominantly of male entrepreneurs(18men and7 women)whereas in Soweto the interview sample included 16men and19women;the higher proportion of women recorded in the Soweto sample is explained by the different types of tourism SMME which were captured in the two groups with the women dominated accommodation ctor once again accounting for a major share of the obrved dif-ference in the two samples.Of the total of60interviewees the majority(44)were born in Johannesburg.
Questions concerning the length of time that busi-ness had been operating again produced certain 毒毛旋花
variations between enterpris in Alexandra and Soweto.Thefindings for Alexandra were as follows;none were less than1year; 14had been in operation between1and5years;6between 6–10years;and,5for more than10years.The most es-tablished SMMEs were tho such as jazz taverns or artists who activities were established even prior to the growth of the township tourism economy.The newest cluster of SMMEs were tho involved in tour guiding.For Soweto the profile of age of business was that5had been in operation for less than1year;27enterpris operating for between 1and5years;3enterpris between6–10years and none in operation for more than ten years.Seemingly,the more recent foundation of tourism SMMEs in Soweto is linked to the post-1994expansion of township tourism,particularly in terms of such activities as the operation of B&Bs and of craft/curio lling.Considerable impetus to the new open-ing of bed and breakfast establishments in both Alexandra and Soweto was provided by the opportunities offered to host visitors attending the2002World Summit on Sustain-able Development.Although the optimistic expectations of many of the new tourism B&B entrepreneurs concerning numbers of home stays or visitor nights went unfulfilled,the World Summit did offer a showca for tourism entrepren-eurs in both townships through delegates undertaking local tours(Dhliwayo2002a,b).
One of the most important spin-offs of the expansion of township tourism is the creation of full-time o
r casual work opportunities.In terms of the creation of employ-ment/income opportunities,the sample of25SMMEs in Alexandra provide136income opportunities and the35 Soweto SMMEs a total of107income opportunities.Over-all,therefore,the average tourism SMME linked to township tourism currently is providing4income opportunities.The obrved smaller size of Soweto tourism SMMEs is a con-quence of their recent foundation and the prence in Alexandra of a number of tourism SMMEs such as dance groups,theatre groups which weight the sample as the cultural groups provide a considerable number of casual or part-time income opportunities.In terms of the size distri-bution of enterpris by employment the followingfindings were disclod:for Alexandra8enterpris were single per-son operations;9were2-5persons;4were6–10persons and4provided income opportunities to more than10per-sons.In Soweto the profile was respectively:9one person enterpris;23had between2–5workers;2between6and 10persons and1enterpri(a restaurant)had more than 10employees.It should be noted that in both Alexandra and Soweto the‘job opportunities’were frequently part-time rather than full-time and often for members of the houhold.
