PART III READING COMPREHENSIONS
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Directions: In this ction there are four reading passages followed by fifteen multiple-choice questions. Read the passages and then mark your answers on your Answer Sheet.
TEXT A STAYING HEALTHY ON HOLIDAY Do people who choo to go on exotic, far-flung holidays derve free health advice before they travel? And even if they pay, who ensures that they get good, up-to-date information? Who, for that matter, should collect that information in the first place? For a variety of reasons, travel medicine in Britain is a responsibility nobody wants. As a result, many travelers go abroad ill prepared to avoid rious dia. Why is travel medicine so unloved? Partly theres an identity problem. Becau it takes an interest in anything that impinges on the health of travelers, this emerging medical specialism invariably cuts across the traditional disciplines. It delves into everything from asickness, jet lag and the hazards of camels to malaria and plague. But travel medicine has a more rious obstacle to overcome. Travel clinics are meant to tell people how to avoid ending up dead or in a tropical dias hospital when they come home. But it is notoriously difficult to get anybody to pay out money for keeping people healthy. Travel medicine has also been colonized by commercial interests —— the vast majority of travel clinics in Britain are run by airlines or travel companies. And while travel concerns are happy to ll profitable injections, they may be less keen to s
pread bad news about travelers diarrhea in Turkey, or to take the time to spell out preventive measures travelers could take. "The NHS finds it difficult to define travelers health," says Ron Behrens, the only NHS consultant in travel and tropical medicine and director of the travel clinic of the Hospital for Tropical Dias in London. "Should it come within the NHS or should it be paid for? Its a gray area, and opinion is split. No one ems to have any responsibility for defining its role," he says. To compound its low status in the medical hierarchy, travel medicine has to rely on statistics that are patchy at best. In most cas we just dont know how many Britons contract dias when abroad. And even if a dia is linked to travel there is rarely any information about where tho afflicted went, what they ate, how they behaved, or which vaccinations they had. This shortage of hard facts and figures makes it difficult to give detailed advice to people, information that might even save their lives. A recent leader in the British Medical Journal argued: "Travel medicine will emerge as a credible discipline only if the risks encountered by travelers and the relative benefits of public health interventions are well defined in terms of their relative occurrence, distribution and control." Exactly how much money is wasted by poor travel advice? The real figure is anybodys guess, but it could easily run into millions. Behrens gives one example. Britain spends more than ￡1 million each year just on cholera vaccines that often dont work and so give people a fal n of curity: "Information on the prevention and treatment of all forms of diarrhea would be a better priority," he says.
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教诲 36. Travel medicine in Britain is ____.
A) not something anyone wants to run.
B) the responsibility of the government.
C) administered by private doctors.
D) handled adequately by travel agents.
37. The main interest of travel companies dealing with travel medicine is to ____.
A) prevent people from falling ill.
B) make money out of it.
C) give advice on specific countries.
D) get the government to pay for it.
38. In Behren's opinion the question of who should run travel medicine ____.
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A) is for the government to decide.
B) should be left to specialist hospitals.
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C) can be left to travel companies.
D) has no clear and simple answer.
39. People will only think better of travel medicine if ____.
A) it is given more resources by the government.
B) more accurate information on its value is available.
C) the government takes over responsibility from the NHS.
D) travelers pay more attention to the advice they get.
TEXT B THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY While the roots of social psychology lie in the intellectual soil of the whole western tradition, its prent flowering is recognized to be characteristically an American phenomenon. One reason for the striking upsurge of
social psychology in the United States lies in the pragmatic tradition of this country. National emergencies and conditions of social disruption provide special incentive to invent new techniques, and to strike out boldly for solutions to practical social problems. Social psychology began to flourish soon after the First World War. This event, followed by the great depression of the 1930s, by the ri of Hitler, the genocide of Jews, race riots, the Second World War and the atomic threat, stimulated all branches of social science. A special challenge fell to social psychology. The question was asked: How is it possible to prerve the values of freedom and individual rights under condition of mounting social strain and regimentation? Can science help provide an answer? This challenging question led to a burst of creative effort that added much to our understanding of the phenomena of leadership, public opinion, rumor, propaganda, prejudice, attitude change, morale, communication, decision-making, race relations, and conflicts of war. Reviewing the decade that followed World War II, Cartwright [1961] speaks of the "excitement and optimism" of American social psychologists, and notes "the tremendous increa in the total number of people calling themlves social
psychologists." Most of the, we may add, show little awareness of the history of their field. Practical and humanitarian motives have always played an important part in the development of social psychology, not only in America but in other lands as well. Yet there have been discordant and
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disnting voices. In the opinion of Herbert Spencer in England, of Ludwig Gumplowicz in Austria, and of William Graham Sumner in the United States, it is both futile and dangerous for man to attempt to steer or to speed social change. Social evolution, they argue, requires time and obeys laws beyond the control of man. The only practical rvice of social science is to warn man not to interfere with the cour of nature [or society]. But the authors are in a minority. Most social psychologists share with Comte an optimistic view of mans chances to better his way of life. Has he not already improved his health via biological sciences? Why should he not better his social relationships via social sciences? For the past century this optimistic outlook has persisted in the face of slender accomplishment to date. Human relations em stubbornly t. Wars have not been abolished, labor troubles have not abated, and racial tensions are still with us. Give us time and give us money for rearch, the optimists say.
40. Social psychology developed in the USA ____.
A) becau its roots are intellectually western in origin.
B) as a direct respon to the great depression.
泡泡少儿教育 C) to meet the threat of Adolf Hitler and his policy of mass genocide.
java软件开发 D) becau of its pragmatic traditions for dealing with social problems.
41. According to the author, social psychology should help man to ____.
A) prerve individual rights.
B) become healthier.
C) be aware of history.
mighty rivers run D) improve material welfare.
如何招人 42. Who believed that man can influence social change for the good of society?
A) Cartwright.
B) Spencer.
C) Sumner.
D) Comte.
