长篇英语⽂章带翻译美⽂欣赏长篇召集日
多阅读⼀些英语美⽂，对于我们英语阅读能⼒的提⾼会有很⼤的帮助，今天店铺在这⾥为⼤家分享⼀些长篇英语⽂章带翻译，希望⼤家会喜欢这些英语美⽂!
长篇英语⽂章带翻译篇⼀
Britain Measuring poverty
英国衡量贫困
The end of the line
贫困终⽌
The government ts out to redefine what it means to be poor
政府着⼿重新定义贫穷
When Seebohm Rowntree, a chocolate-maker and pioneering social rearcher, beganmeasuring poverty in York in 1899, he worked out the minimum needed to buy enough foodfor “physical efficien
cy”. In 1935, when he repeated the study, Rowntree added allowances forcigarettes, newspapers and a holiday. By 1951 he concluded that poverty was on its waytowards being eradicated, with only pockets among the elderly left, and stopped counting.
1899年，当巧克⼒制造商和社会学家先驱的西伯姆·；朗特⾥(Seebohm Rowntree)在约克(York)开始测量贫困，他提出了“最低温饱线”的理论。在1935年，在反复研究之后，他⼜推⾏了关于⾹烟，报纸以及假期的补贴制度。并在1951年的时候，他得出结论，称除了部分⽼⼈外，若按此⽅法进⾏下去将会贫困将会得到消除，因此他停下了研究的脚步。
Few now experience the raw penury of Rowntree’s day. But measuring poverty remains anobssion. In its dying days the last Labour government pasd a law committing itssuccessors to reduce child poverty. That is causing trouble for the prent lot. Under the law,poverty is defined primarily in relative terms: families with less than 60% of the median incomeare considered to be poor. On November 15th Iain Duncan Smith, the welfare cretary, wast to launch a consultation to come up with a better definition. He wants to include thingsthat he regards as the real caus of want: worklessness, educational failure and drug andalcohol dependency.
现在很少有⼈能体验到朗特⾥时代的贫困。但是测衡贫困⾄今仍是个谜题。在上⼀届⼯党最后的执
政⽇⼦⾥，通过了⼀项关于他们下届将会减少⼉童贫困的法案。这对当下执政者造成了许多困扰。根据这项法律，贫穷的定义是相当于⽽⾔的：当家庭的收⼊低于收⼊中位数(median income)的60%时，即被认为是贫困。在11⽉15⽇，福利⼤⾂伊恩·；邓肯·；史密斯(Iain Duncan Smith)着⼿组织咨询讨论，为其寻找⼀个更好的定义。他希望能把他认为真正导致贫困的原因加⼊进去即失业，辍学，吸毒以及酗酒。
There are veral problems with the current measure. Becau it is relative, it is influenced bychanges in overall earnings. Figures relead over the summer showed a sharp reduction inchild poverty over the last year—mostly the result of falling median incomes rather than agenuine improvement. The measure fails to take into account the quality of rvices thatthe poor receive, such as education and health. Worst of all, from the point of view of a cash-strapped government, huge amounts of money must be spent on tax credits and other welfareprogrammes to rai family incomes up to the threshold.
⽬前贫困的标准存在⼏个问题。因为该标准属于相对标准，受整体收⼊变动的影响。如夏季公布的图表所⽰，与去年全年相⽐，今年同期的⼉童贫困数量急剧下降，这主要是因为收⼊中位数的⼤幅下降并⾮现实状况的真正改善。这项措施并未将贫困⼉童接受补助的质量纳⼊考虑范围，这其中就包括教育和医疗。对于现⾦拮据的政府来说，更糟糕的是，他们必须花费巨资在税务抵免和其他福利计划
上，才能将家庭收⼊⾼于贫困线。
But veral charities are nervous about changing how poverty is defined and suspect MrDuncan Smith of trying to wriggle out of a commitment to his predecessors’ targets. Thehad some benign effects. Since 1999, when Tony Blair announced his ambition to end childpoverty, the profile of the poor has changed profoundly. Thanks to tax credits, theproportion of children living in houholds below the poverty line has fallen by around a third.Pensioners, who have been supported since 2003 with a special credit, are now less likely to bein poverty than younger people. But working-age adults without children are actually
wor off:whereas 12% were considered to be in poverty in 1997, now 15% are.
但是⼀些慈善组织对重新定义贫困深感不安，并且怀疑这是这是邓肯·；史密斯在逃避对其前任政府所定⽬标的承诺。那些⽬标还是有些积极地作⽤的。在1999年的时候，当托尼·；布莱尔(Tony Blair)⾼调宣布，他将终结⼉童贫困为⼰任，这⼀系列的措施让贫困⼉童的现状发⽣了翻天覆地的变化。由于税收抵免，⽣活在贫困线之下⼉童的⽐例较之前减少了1/3。⾃2003年以来领取养⽼⾦者便享受⼀项特殊津贴，相较于那些年轻⼈，他们受贫穷的可能性更低。但那些处于⼯作适龄却没有孩⼦的群体的经济状况实际上恶化了：在1997年，他们中有12%的⼈⽣活在贫困线以下，⽽现在已经达到了15%。
It is not clear that this progress will continue, says Chris Goulden, a rearcher at the JophRowntree Foundation. The government’s big welfare reform—the universal
credit—createsstrong incentives for people to work for a few hours, which may help to increa incomes. Butother reforms work in the opposite direction. Mr Goulden reckons that child poverty willincrea significantly by 2020, mostly thanks to a change to how benefit rates are increadwith inflation.
约瑟夫·；朗特⾥基⾦会(Joph Rowntree Foundation)的研究⼈员克⾥斯·⼽尔登(Chris Goulden) 认为⽬前还不清楚的是，这项改进计划是否会持续进⾏，⽽政府⼀项中较⼤的福利改⾰
—&mdash；全社会的税收减免—&mdash；极⼤地激励了⼈们每周增加⼯作时间，将有利于增加他们的收⼊。但是其他的改⾰却是与此背道⽽驰的。⼽尔登认为，2020年⼉童贫困将会⼤⼤的增加。这主要是因为即使福利保障⽔平会上涨，但是通货膨胀⽔平也会不断上升。
The long economic slump and the rising price of food and energy have already made life harderfor the very poorest. At a church in Brixton, in south London, desperate folk wait for parcelsof donated food. Many similar food banks have opened recently, mostly helping people in debt,or tho who benefits have been suspended. The church recently collected donations fromannual harvest festivals 推雪球
in schools. In the past, children collected food for the elderly, remarksthe vicar. Now they collect it for their classmates.
漫长的经济衰退时期以及粮⾷和能源价格的不断上涨，使得贫困者的⽣活更加举步维艰。在伦敦南部布⾥克斯顿(Brixton)的⼀座教堂⾥，⽆论可⾛的⼈们在等待⼈们捐赠的⾷物包裹。⽽在近期，开放了许多类似的⾷物发放站，主要⽤来帮助那些负债累累或者救助⾦暂停发放的⼈们。⽽教堂近期的捐赠是从⼀年⼀度的校园收获感恩节(harvest festivals)上募集来的。牧师称，在过去，孩⼦们为⽼⼈家募捐。但是现在他们为⾃⼰的同学募捐。
长篇英语⽂章带翻译篇2
German politics
德国政治
When all parties lead to Angela
当所有政党都倾向安吉拉的时候
Confusion reigns in Germany’s party politics. That may not affect who wins next
year’lection
德国政坛仍疑云重重，但丝毫不影响明年⼤选的胜者
Less than a year before Germany’s federal election, Chancellor Angela Merkel is doing well, atleast at home. Her centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and its Bavarian sister party,the Christian Social Union (CSU), are leading in the polls. Better still, the other parties aremaking news either for being in a shambles or, whenever for a moment they are not, forspeculation that they might join a coalition in which Mrs Merkel would be nior partner andthus remain as chancellor.合理消费
离德国联邦⼤选还有不到⼀年的时间，但⾄少在国内事务⽅⾯，安吉拉·；默克尔做的很好。在民意调查中，她领导的中右__民主联盟(CDU)和其巴伐利亚姊妹党，基督__联盟(CSD)占据了领先地位。好事成双，有关其他政党的新闻要么报道他们处于⼀⽚混乱，即使是当他们运⾏良好的时候，到处也都猜测他们将加⼊以默克尔为领导的联合政党，⽽她也将继续出任德国。
Mrs Merkel’s biggest coup has been to remain personally unsullied by the otherwidisappointing performance of the ruling coalition of the CDU and CSU with the smaller FreeDemocratic Party (FDP). The world might assume that German politics is given over to
最好的手机铃声
thecountry’s responsibility to save the euro. Instead, the CSU and FDP have spent most of theirpolitical energy on tactical projects that are either daft (for the CSU) or petty (the FDP).
尽管由__民主联盟(CDU)和基督__联盟(CSU)以及规模稍⼩的⾃由民主党(FDP)组成的执政联盟在其他⽅⾯表现令⼈失望，但是默克尔始终保持个⼈清⽩，这是她最妙的招。全世界都认为德国政坛⼀直致⼒
于履⾏本国对拯救欧元区的职责。相反，基督__联盟(CSU)和⾃由民主党(FDP)将他们⼤部分政治能量都花在他们那些愚蠢(CSU)和琐碎(FDP)的战术项⽬上。
This month, for example, the CSU tried to pander to Bavaria’s family-values voters by pushingthrough a new subsidy to parents who care for toddlers at home rather than nding them toa creche. Conveniently, the payments will begin next August, just before both the Bavarian andthe federal elections. Most parties, notably the FDP, e this policy as an expensive stepbackwards for a modern society that could leave children of poor families deprived of education.But the FDP accepted it in return for getting rid of a 10 ($12.6) fee that publicly insuredpatients have to pay once a quarter when they e their doctor.
举个例⼦，本⽉__社会联盟(CSU)推动了⼀项新的补贴措施，给在家照顾学步⼉童⽽不是送他们到托
⼉所的⽗母提供津贴，以试图迎合巴伐利亚重视家庭价值观的选民。恰逢时宜的是，该补贴明年8⽉就开始发放，恰好在巴伐利亚⼤选和联邦⼤选之前。以⾃由民主党(FDP)为主的⼤部分政党认为该政策是现代社会倒退的⼀步，其代价之昂贵可能会剥夺贫困家庭孩⼦的受教育机会。但是⾃由民主党(FDP)还是接受了该政策，并作为回报减免了10欧元(12.6美元)的费⽤，这公开地保证了需每季度⽀付⼀次医药费的病⼈的⽣活。
That the FDP is reduced to hor-trading over such minutiae says a lot about the collap ofthis once-grand liberal party. The polls suggest it may get less than 5% of votes in theelection, and would thus be ejected from the Bundestag. If an election in Lower Saxony inJanuary confirms such a poor showing, the FDP’s leader, Philipp Rosler (who is also economicsminister), will surely have to go. There are even rumours of a plot to oust him sooner.
⾃由民主党(FDP)沦落到在这种细枝末节上讨价还价，这很⼤程度上体现了这个曾今的伟⼤的⾃由政党的沦陷。民意调查显⽰其在⼤选中得到的选票不会超过5%，⽽且可能会因此被驱逐出联邦议院。如果⼀⽉份下萨克森州进⾏的⼤选证实了这个糟糕的调查结果，那么FDP的领导⼈，菲利普·；罗斯勒(他还是经济部长)，将不得不离职。甚⾄有传⾔他们已经在密谋⽴刻驱逐他。
With the coalition so preoccupied, the main opposition Social Democratic Party (SPD) mighthave b
een expected to attack more effectively. That was the idea behind picking PeerSteinbruck, a famously sharp-tongued former finance minister, as the party’s candidate forchancellor. Mr Steinbruck has, however, become embroiled in a sustained debate about thespeaking fees he has been earning on the side (1.25m since 2009, the highest of anyBundestag member). Never loved by his party’s blue-collar and trade-union ba, MrSteinbruck, the millionaire, may have turned off many of his erstwhile comrades completely.
由于联合政府占据着显著的主导地位，主要的反对派社会民主党(SPD)可能需要采取更加有效的政治攻击。⼀个幕后想法就是推选以⾔语犀利⽽著称的前财政部长佩尔·；施泰因布吕尔为该党的候选⼈。然⽽，施泰因布吕尔卷⼊到⼀场有关他在位期间所得的⾼额演讲费的持续辩论中(从2009年⾄今⾼达125万欧元，德国联邦议员中的最⾼值)。百万富翁施泰因布吕尔先⽣从来没有得到他所在党派的蓝领阶层和⼯会基地的厚爱，他可能已经完全失去了许多昔⽇同事的信任。
It is telling that the SPD chairman, Sigmar Gabriel, is continually having to parry questionsabout an election outcome in which the SPD would play cond fiddle to Mrs Merkel in another“grand coalition”, like the one Germany had from 2005-09. Absolutely not, insist both Mr Gabrieland Mr Steinbruck, claiming that they overlap ideologically only with the Greens, the othercentre-left party. (The Left Party is still considered too toxic to touch, for it descends largelyfrom the old East German
Communist Party, and it is anyway also struggling to stay inparliament.)
有消息称⼤选结果将会产⽣另外⼀个和德国2005-09期间实⾏的⾮常相似的“⼤联合政府”，⽽社会民主党(SPD)将会充当默克尔的副⼿，关于该结果的问题层出不穷，社会民主党(SPD)主席西格玛尔·；加布⾥尔不得不⼀直回避这些问题。绝不可能，加布⾥尔和施泰因布吕尔都坚决否认，他们声称他们的思想理念只和另⼀个中左党派绿党(the Greens)有异曲同⼯之妙。(左翼党仍然被民众认为是有害政党⽽不愿涉及，因为其很⼤程度上起源于⽼派的东德共产党，⽽且⽆论如何它也挣扎在议会的边缘。)
The SPD is terrified whenever the Greens generate optimism for the wrong reason: theirsuitability as an alternative coalition partner for Mrs Merkel. The Greens have been on a rollsince capturing the mayorship of Stuttgart, capital of the rich south-western state of Baden-Wurttemberg, which is also the first and so far only state to be governed by a Green premier.Their success is credited to the dominance within the party’s southern branch of the “realo”wing: pragmatists who can appeal to ecologically minded but conrvative urban voters.Such “bourgeois” Greens could get along fine with the CDU and CSU in Berlin, goes thethinking.
社会民主党(SPD)⽆时⽆刻不担⼼绿党由于错误原因⽽过分乐观：他们可以作为默克尔的备⽤的联盟伙伴。⾃从夺得了斯图加特市长的职位后，绿党⼀直运⾏顺畅。斯图加特是德国南部富有的巴登-符腾
堡州的⾸都，这也是绿党控制的第⼀个也是到⽬前为⽌唯⼀⼀个州。他们的成功在于很好地控制了该党南部的分⽀现实主义党⼈：他们都是实⽤主义者，能够吸引⽣态意识强烈但是保守的城市选民。进⼀步说，这些“资产阶级”绿党⼈⼠将会和柏林的__民主联盟(CDU)和基督__联盟(CSU)很好地相处。
As if to reinforce this impression, the Greens have just elected Katrin Goring-Eckardt, aleader in the Lutheran church who is from the east and is by Green standards a conrvative,as their co-candidate for chancellor. (The other candidate, Jurgen , was almost preordained,for the Greens always pair a woman and a man.) Ms Goring-Eckardt’s lection was a rebuff toClaudia Roth, a flamboyant leftist. The choice immediately renewed speculation about an olivebranch to the CDU.孙天骄
似乎是为了加强这种印象，绿党刚刚选举了卡特琳·；格林-埃卡尔德担任的联合候选⼈。来⾃东部的卡特琳·；格林-埃卡尔德是路德教会的领导⼈，按照绿党标准，她是⼀个保守派。(另外⼀个候选⼈尤尔根·；特利汀，这⼏乎是内定的，因为绿党习惯于推选男⼥候选⼈各⼀名。)格林-埃卡尔德的⼊选是对虚张声势的左派克劳迪娅·；罗斯的有⼒回击。这个选择很快就被认为是向__民主联盟(CDU)抛出的橄榄枝。
The relative decline of the traditional main parties, the CDU and SPD, in favour of smaller andyounger ones, explains much of this party manoeuvring. Some of the may just be fads. ThePir
ates have done well in four state elections but now em to be lf-destructing, unable toform basic policy and being generally tedious. Yet, as German society becomes moreindividualistic, says Oskar Niedermayer, a professor at Berlin’s Free University, traditional partystructures bad on interest groups (Catholics, say, or trade unionists) lo appeal, leavingallegiances in flux.
传统的重要党派(如CDU和SPD)的相对衰落，规模较⼩和年轻的党派逐渐获得⽀持，这很⼤程度上解释了这个政党运作。有些政党只是⼀时潮流。海盗党(The Pirates)在4个州的选举中表现得相当出⾊，但是现在他们似乎已经要⾃我毁灭了，他们⽆法形成基本⽅针，⽽且⾮常单⼀。然⽽，随着德国社会越来越个⼈主义化，传统的建⽴在利益集团(天主教徒或⼯会主义者)之上的政党结构已经失去了吸引⼒，这使得民众的忠诚飘忽不定，柏林⾃由⼤学的教授奥斯卡·；尼德迈尔说道。
At the same time and despite the campaign rhetoric, the differences between the main partieshave, he thinks, got smaller, making any radical change of direction unlikely. That is especiallytrue next year, since it ems increasingly likely that Mrs Merkel, with her safe pair of hands, willcontinue as chancellor. Only her coalition partner remains to be chon.
同时，他认为，尽管在这个时候竞选⾼调四起，主要政党之间的区别却已经变得越来越⼩，他们也不可能给⼤选⽅向带来巨变。这个现象在明年格外如此，因为越来越多的现象表明拥有放⼼的帮⼿的默克尔将连任德国。⽽等待我们选择的只有她的联合政党的伙伴。
长篇英语⽂章带翻译篇3
瑜伽语录 The time-bomb at the heart of Europe
欧洲中⼼的定时炸弹
Why France could become the biggest danger to Europe’s single currency
为什么法国会成为欧洲单⼀货币体系的最⼤危机
The threat of the euro’s collap has abated for the moment, but putting the single currencyright will involve years of pain. The pressure for reform and budget cuts is fiercest in
Greece,Portugal, Spain and Italy, which all saw mass strikes and clashes with police this week. Butahead looms a bigger problem that could dwarf any of the: France.
爆牙 欧盟⽡解的威胁⽇益减少，但是实⾏单⼀货币政策所带来的痛楚会持续数年。对于希腊来说来⾃于改⾰和财政预算⾚字的压⼒是⾮常⼤的。葡萄⽛，西班⽛和意⼤利本周都发⽣了⼤规模的游⾏⽰威活动。但是摆在⾯前的还有⼀个更⼤的问题：法国。
The country has always been at the heart of the euro, as of the European Union. PresidentFrancois Mitterrand argued for the single currency becau he hoped to bolster Frenchinfluence in an EU that would otherwi fall under the sway of a unified Germany. France hasgained from the euro: it is borrowing at record low rates and has avoided the troubles of theMediterranean. Yet even before May, when Francois Hollande became the country’s first Socialistpresident since Mitterrand, France had ceded leadership in the euro crisis to Germany. And nowits economy looks increasingly vulnerable as well.
法国这个国家是欧洲，也是欧盟的中⼼。弗朗索⽡·；密特朗表⽰⽀持单⼀货币政策因为他希
望提⾼法国在欧盟的影响，否则迟早会败于统⼀后的德国⼿⾥。法国已经从欧盟得到了甜头：它以相对低的利率从⽽成功规避了地中海地区的问题。即使在五⽉之前，当奥朗德成为⾃密特朗，这位转让了法国在欧盟经济危机的主导权给德国的总统后，法国的第⼀位社会党总统。法国的经济体系已经相当脆弱了。
As our special report in this issue explains, France still has many strengths, but its weaknesshave been laid bare by the euro crisis. For years it has been losing competitiveness toGermany and the trend has accelerated as the Germans have cut costs and pushed throughbig ref
orms. Without the option of currency devaluation, France has resorted to publicspending and debt. Even as other EU countries have curbed the reach of the state, it hasgrown in France to consume almost 57% of GDP, the highest share in the euro zone. Becauof the failure to balance a single budget since 1981, public debt has rin from 22% of GDPthen to over 90% now.
就像我们的特别报道中提到的，法国仍然具有很⼤实⼒，但是其脆弱的部分在欧盟危机中已经体现⽆疑。法国在近年来与德国的竞争中已经逐渐失去了⼒量，特别是当德国开始减少开⽀和进⾏⼤的改⾰后。没有欧元贬值的机遇，法国已经踏上不得不向求助于公共开⽀和贷款的道路了。即使想其他欧盟国家⼀样努⼒的避免⾛上这条路，仍避免不了其越来越⾼的GDP消耗--- GDP的消耗已经⾼达57%，⾼于其他欧盟区国家。因为从1981年起，由于其对于单⼀预算的失误，公共债务已经从GDP的22%上升到了如今的90%。
The business climate in France has also worned. French firms are burdened by overly rigidlabour- and product-market regulation, exceptionally high taxes and the euro zone’sheaviest social charges on payrolls. Not surprisingly, new companies are rare. France has fewersmall and medium-sized enterpris, today’s engines of job growth, than Germany, Italy orBritain. The economy is stagnant, may tip into recession this quarter and will barely grow nextyear. Over 10% of the workforce, and over 25% of the young, are jobless. The externalcurrent-account deficit has swun
g from a small surplus in 1999 into one of the euro zone’sbiggest deficits. In short, too many of France’s firms are uncompetitive and the country’sbloated government is living beyond its means.
法国的商业氛围也愈加的坏了。法国的公司承担的巨⼤的劳⼯和市场的管理条例，特别是⾼额的税收和欧盟区最⾼的社保⽀付。意料之中的，新公司⾮常的少。法国的中⼩型企业越来越少，其就业压⼒也超过德国，意⼤利和英国。经济停滞不前，甚⾄在这个季度有所倒退，未来的增长率也是不被看好的。再者，法国将会有超过10%的劳动⼒，超过25%的年轻劳动⼒将会⽆⼯作可做。在外，现如今的财政状况也令⼈堪忧，在1999年还⼩有剩余，如今却成了整个欧盟地区的最⼤⾚字国。总的来说，太多的法国公司没有竞争⼒，其骄傲的政府也并未发挥出作⽤。
Hollande at bay Hollande
等待起航
With enough boldness and grit, Mr Hollande could now reform France. His party holds powerin the legislature and in almost all the regions. The left should be better able than the right topersuade the unions to accept change. Mr Hollande has acknowledged that France lackscompetitiveness. And, encouragingly, he has recently promid to implement many of thechanges recommended in a new report by Louis Gallois, a businessman, including reducing theburden of social charges on companie
横七竖八造句
s. The president wants to make the labour market moreflexible. This week he even talked of the excessive size of the state, promising to “do better,while spending less”.
有着⾜够的勇⽓和毅⼒，奥朗德先⽣可以开始振兴法国了。他所在的政党在渗⼊于司法界和各种区域。左派会⽐优派更容易说服联邦区接受改⾰。奥朗德先⽣已经了解到法国缺乏竞争⼒。更加歌舞⼈⼼的是他最近承诺的实⾏⼀系列由路易⾼卢⽡提出的新提案，包括减少公司承担的社保⾦。这说明，总统想要使劳动⼒市场更加的活跃。这周他甚⾄提出要改变现在的状况，承诺“花费最少，做的更好”。
Yet t against the gravity of France’s economic problems, Mr Hollande still ems half-hearted.Why should business believe him when he has already pushed through a string of leftishmeasures, including a 75% top income-tax rate, incread taxes on companies, wealth, capitalgains and dividends, a higher minimum wage and a partial rollback of a previously acceptedri in the pension age? No wonder so many would-be entrepreneurs are talking of leaving thecountry.
然⽽⾯对法国严重的经济问题。奥朗德先⽣显得⼒不从⼼。当他已经开始推⾏⼀系列左派的措施，包括最⾼75%的收⼊税率，增长公司，财产，资本收⼊和红利的税收，更⾼的最低⼯资，和降低部分
之前已经升⾼的最低退休年龄时，这些措施使商界更难以相信他。因此，越来越多的企业家选择离开这个国家。
European governments that have undertaken big reforms have done so becau there was adeep n of crisis, becau voters believed there was no alternative and becau politicalleaders had the conviction that change was unavoidable. None of this describes Mr Hollandeor France. During the election campaign, Mr Hollande barely mentioned the need for business-friendly reform, focusing instead on ending
