People’s China: One can imagine that when you decided to relea the statement, you must have met with op-position. Can you tell us a little about the process of drafting the statement? Tomiichi Murayama: No matter whether from the perspective of history or culture, Japan is part of Asia. I believe that it is nonvi-able for Japan to be isolated from the rest of the continent. In particular, Japan, China and South Korea are neighbors parated only by a narrow strip of water and have a long history of mutual exchange. This his-tory of exchange has played a decisive role in the development of the Japane culture. Therefore, my greatest hope is to build a kind of relations that could gain the trust of Asian countries, in particular, South Korea and China.
When I assumed the post of Japane
prime minister in 1994, I visited almost all
Asian countries. At that time, Japan had
already become a world-class economic
power, and the country’s success in this
regard had been recognized worldwide.
However, I could feel that Asian people still
had an aversion to Japan: they believed that
“Japan had not reflected on its war crimes
sincerely” and worried that “Japan might
again become so powerful militarily and lead
itlf once more down a dangerous road.”爨龙颜碑
Thus, when forming a coalition government,
the Liberal Democratic Party, Socialist Party
and the New Party Sakigake jointly submit-
萨博93ted a draft resolution called The Resolution
to Renew the Determination for Peace on
the Basis of Lessons Learned from History
to the Japane Diet to show Japan’s deter-
mination to come to terms with its modern
history. The draft resolution was amended
锁眉veral times before the vote. In spite of ob-
jections from many hou reprentatives,
the resolution had eventually been pasd.
But it wasn’t discusd in the upper hou.
I didn’t want to give up on it. To make clear
the stance of the government, I decided to
make an official statement reflecting on the
past war crimes of my country in my capac-
ity as prime minister. At that time, I already
prepared to have my cabinet resign if the
statement could not be approved.
After the statement was relead, how
did Japane society respond to it? And
what were the respons like from Japan’s
Asian neighbors?
There were yeas and nays within Japan. I was
Safeguarding the Pacifist Constitution
WORLD
On August 15, 1995, the then Japane Prime Minister, Tomiichi Murayama, relead a landmark document known as the Murayama Statement to mark the 50th anniversary of the end of World War II (WWII). Twenty years later, Japane Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is t to relea his statement marking the end of the war on August 15. Will Abe’s statement inherit the spirit of the Murayama Statement? This and other questions will be of great import for all nations, particularly China and South Korea.
In a recent exclusive interview with People’s China, a Beijing-bad Japane-language magazine, Murayama talked about the ins and outs of the Murayama Statement. He also stated that to safeguard the hard-won pacifism of post-WWII Japan, his country should hold fast to its pacifist constitution. An excerpt of the interview follows:
22 BEIJING REVIEW AUGUST 13, 2015
fiercely criticized domestically, but China and South Korea accorded high prai to it and said the statement had cleared up historical prob-lems. Afterward, every time I visited China, the statement would be mentioned in the welcome speeches delivered by the Chine side. China also regarded the relea of the statement as a positive development in China-Japan relations. What’s more, all Japane cabinets since then have promid to follow the statement to the letter.
But domestically, I faced strong criticism. Some claimed that there was no need to re-peat apologies since we had already done so.
Some even blatantly denied the validity of such apologies. They believed that Japan’s aggression and colonial rule over neighbor-
ing countries was merely the same as what
European troops had done to Asian coun-
tries. They even argued that the war was in
fact a kind of defen against European ag-
gression.
I don’t believe that our apologies were亡羊补牢的故事
contrition for the sake of contrition. The
most important thing is that we should face
up to the historical truth, reflect upon the
mistakes we have made and show our de-
termination that we will never allow Japan
slip back onto the same disastrous path of
old. Only then can Japan have a bright future.
This also constitutes the core spirit of the
statement.
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s
s
Indeed, there is a tendency to disregard
the Murayama Statement and to make
attempts to revi the pacifist constitu-
tion within Japan. Where do you think this
tendency will lead Japan?
Bad on its mirable wartime experience,
Japan formed its pacifist constitution. Over
the past 70 years, Japan has never directly
participated nor been remotely involved in
war of any description. That’s partly why we
寻找反义词
have enjoyed a period of blossoming peace
and prosperity. All Asian countries includ-
ing China and South Korea have spoken
highly of Japan’s peaceful stance. And most
Japane people support the pacifist consti-
tution and worry about the rightward shift in
Former Japane Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama
delivers a speech outside the National Diet in Tokyo on
July 23 to protest against a ries of controversial curity
bills aiming to reinforce the Japane army’s capacity and
overturn the nation’s “purely defensive” military capabilities
XINHUA
AUGUST 13, 2015 BEIJING REVIEW 23
24 BEIJING REVIEW AUGUST 13, 2015
WORLD
Japane politics. Thus, I don’t believe that the Japane people will approve of constitu-tional revision, becau Japan is a democratic country and its government is founded on popular sovereignty. Recent surveys show that the voice of the Japane people oppos-ing the Abe administration’s move to revi the constitution is becoming ever louder. Not long ago, in a public discussion with former Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono at the Japan National Press Club in Tokyo, you appealed to the incumbent Japane Government to withdraw the new curity bills. Why?
Most Japane scholars of constitutional law have already pointed out that the new cu-rity bills under deliberation in the Japane Diet are unconstitutional. If the Japane parliament submits, or even discuss a bill of this nature, it means that the parliament itlf is illegal. Moreover, even Abe himlf admits that most people probably didn’t fully understand the bills. But he nonethe-less forced a vote on the bills relying on the advantage of his party’s majority within the parliament. This is untoward behavior that should never be condoned. Safeguarding the pacifist constitution and opposi
ng war are the will of the Japane people. The parlia-ment should pay heed to this and repeal the new curity bills.
What’s your view on the current situation in Japan and around the world?
Copyedited by Eric Daly
********************************
The Japane Government, in full-on crisis mode, has become increasingly vigilant concerning China’s claim on territories such as the Nansha Islands. Actually, the current Japane Government is trying to stoke an atmosphere of unjustified panic, which has given many the impression that Southeast Asian countries are sinking into the most vere crisis the world has ever experienced.
If there does indeed exist a kind of crisis, I think diplomatic efforts should be the first resort to counter it. The avoidance of the pursuit of hegemony is basic principle under-lying China’s diplomacy. China’s prosperity and status as a rising economic power have both benefited from a peaceful surrounding environment. I truly believe that China does not want war. Dialogue is an effective way to resolve cris, while the arms race taking place at prent has the potential to sow the eds for future conflict.
I also don’t think the United States wants China and Japan to go to war. Instead, Washington might prefer Japan to play the role of a military buffer zone between China and the United States. In terms of the cu-rity treaty between Tokyo and Washington, the United States probably expects Japan to provide more military assistance.音乐欣赏论文
What’s your take on China-Japan relations in the new world order? What kind of rela-tionship should China and Japan establish and develop?
In his speech at the Japane parliament
in 2008, the then Chine President Hu Jintao said that by way of acknowledging the Murayama Statement by both sides to solve historical issues arising from WWII, China and Japan would enter a new period of strategic relations benefiting both parties. Therefore, it is of vital importance for both sides to keep their promis in order to create a peaceful environment. Considering the level of eco-nomic interdependence between China and Japan, a good environment for bilateral rela-tions is particularly necessary.
At the first national memorial day for the Nanjing Massacre last December, Chine President Xi Jinping said, “The reason we are having a memorial for the Nanjing Massacre victims is to recall that
all good-hearted people yearn for and hold fast to peace, and not to prolong hatred.” When recently addressing a 3,000-strong dele-gation of Japane people led by Toshihiro Nikai, Chairman of the Liberal Democratic Party’s general council, President Xi said, “The future of China-Japan relations are in the hands of the people of the two coun-tries.” How do you interpret this?
离骚节选
President Xi’s speeches are very apposite. I think we must make efforts to build an atmosphere of cooperation and reciprocity, which will not only benefit the two countries but also Asia and the world at large. Certainly, there will always be frictions now and then between our two countries. But what is important is that both sides should make efforts to defu tensions through dialogue, and take China-Japan relations in a more fa-vorable direction.
Now, upon this historic occasion of the 50th anniversary of the war’s end, we should bear in mind that we must look into the past to learn from the lessons of history, and en-sure that we do not stray from the path to the peace and prosperity of human society in the future. n
During a certain period in the not-too-distant past, Japan, following a mistaken national policy, advanced along the road to war, only to ensnare the Japane people in a fateful crisis, and, through its colonial rule and aggression, caud tremendous damage and suffering to the people of many co
untries, particularly to tho of Asian nations. In the hope that no such mistake be made in the future, I regard, in a spirit of humility, the irrefutable facts of history, and express here once again my feelings of deep remor and state my heartfelt apology. Allow me also to express my feelings of profound mourning for all victims, both at home and abroad, of that history.
Safeguarding the Pacifist Constitution
刊名：
北京周报（英文版）
英文刊名：Beijing Review
一语年，卷(期)：2015(33)
引用本文格式：Safeguarding the Pacifist Constitution[期刊论文]-北京周报（英文版） 2015(33)
