Old soldiers never die -----------Douglas MacArthur
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a n of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of tho great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate reprents human liberty in the purest form yet devid. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cau, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our cour is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpo in mind: to rve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one ctor, oblivious to tho of another, is but to court disaster fo
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r the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are tho who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one ctor threatens the destruction of every other ctor. You can not appea or otherwi surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
梦见梨树Beyond pointing out the general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively asss the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her cour up to the prent. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peopl乌鸡白凤丸怎么吃
貂毛怎么鉴别es of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now e the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the lf-respect of political freedom.
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources the peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to rai the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
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In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a cour blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they ek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not impe
rious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. The political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national curity, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
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课题怎么写 Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national curity are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the cour of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an expod island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with a and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with a and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.
