这是的英文美国经典演讲 麦克阿瑟：《老兵不死》（英文原版及翻译）
President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on
this rostrum with a n of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the
weight of tho great American architects of our history who have stood here
before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate
reprents human liberty in the purest form yet devid. Here are centered the
hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as
advocate for any partisan cau, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite
beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest
plane of national interest if our cour is to prove sound and our future
protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that 注册内部审计师
which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow
American. I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading
twilight of life, with but one purpo in mind: to rve my country. The issues
金融期货are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one ctor,
oblivious to tho of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While
Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that
Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to
七夕花束have its impact upon the other. There are tho who claim our strength is
inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can
think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his
strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat
is a global one. Its successful advance in one ctor threatens the destruction
of every other ctor. You can not appea or otherwi surrender to communism
in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in
Europe. Beyond pointing out the general truisms, I shall confine my
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discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively asss the
situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and
the revolutionary changes which have marked her cour up to the prent. Long
exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve
any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life
such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of
Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of
colonialism and now e the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt
郭兰英南泥湾dignity, and the lf-respect of political freedom. Mustering half of the
earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources the peoples are
rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to rai
the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to
向成语their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of 拽去掉提手旁是什么字
colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be
stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the
whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies
in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a cour
blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples
covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they ek now is friendly
guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity
of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life,
pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.
World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.
What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their
stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over
their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political
freedom. The political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our
own national curity, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which
