Einhower's Farewell Address (17 January 1961) Dictionary of American History | 2003 | Drew, Bettina | 700+ words | Copyright EISENHOWER'S FAREWELL ADDRESS (17 January 1961)
道歉认错的话>有梦就有远方
After leading the Allied invasion of Europe and rving as the Supreme Commander of Allied Forces in Europe during World War II and later as the Army Chief of Staff（陆军参谋长）, Dwight D. Einhower (1890–1969) was elected to the presidency on the Republican ticket（候选人名单）in 1952. The first Republican to be elected to the highest office in twenty years, he was tremendously popular. Negotiating a truce(停战) in Korea, Einhower created the International Atomic Energy Agency（国际原子能机构）, which helped sixty-two countries pool （合伙经营）atomic information and materials for peaceful purpos. In addition, he organized eight countries into the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO)（东南亚条约组织）to resist Communist aggression, and urged Congress to pass internal curity laws which in effect outlawed（宣布为不合法）the Communist Party. After Fidel Castro（菲德尔卡斯特罗）ized property owned by American companies in Cuba, Einhower broke off diplomatic relations with the island in 1961. That January, as John F. Kennedy was about to be inaugurated, Einhower gave a farewell speech to the nation that reflected his preoccupation （关注）with international relations and world peace. While calling attention to what he saw as the ongoing threat pod by Communism, he also warned Americans to be careful to limit the increasing power of
what he called "the military-industrial complex," the pairing（一对）of huge military forces with the vast new domestic arms industry. Einhower's own military career gave great weight to this message.
BettinaDrew手机结构图解
See also Arms Race and Disarmament ; Military-Industrial Complex .
徐丽珍My fellow Americans:
First, I should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.
Three days from now, after half a century in the rvice of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony; the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening, I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other -- Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blesd with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find esntial agreement on issues of great moment, the wi resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during the past eight years. In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well; to rve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnesd four major wars among great nations. Three of them involved our own country. Despite the holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in t he world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we u our power in the i
nterests of world peace and human betterment.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purpos have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad.
Progress toward the noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology—global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpo, and insidious in method. Unhappily the danger it pos promis to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather tho which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle—with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted cour toward permanent peace and human betterment.
Cris there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there i
s a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increa in newer elements of our defens; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied rearch -- the and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itlf, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.
But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable, balance between our esntial requirements as a nation and the duties impod by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment eks balance and
progress. Lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their Government have, in the main, understood the truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress.幼师资格证面试
But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly ari. Of the, I mention two only.
A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.
Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.
最简单的面疙瘩汤Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defen; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defen establishment. We annually spend on military curity alone more than the net income of all United States corporations.
This conjunction of an immen military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence—economic, political, even spiritual—is felt in every city, every statehou, every office of the federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous ri of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic process. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defen with our peaceful methods and goals, so that curity and liberty may prosper together.
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades.
In this revolution, rearch has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the federal government.
Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery has experienced a revolution in the conduct of rearch. Partly becau of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a sub
stitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboar d there are now
hundreds of new electronic computers. The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever prent—and is gravely to be regarded.
Yet, in holding scientific rearch and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itlf become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate the and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system—ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we—you and I, and our government—must avoid the impul to live only for today, plundering, for our own ea and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material asts of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent ph
张冠李戴是什么意思
antom of tomorrow.
During the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.
Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compo differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpo. Becau this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite n of disappointment. As one who has witnesd the horror and the lingering sadness of war—as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years—I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cea to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.
So, in this, my last good night to you as your President, I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public rvice in war and in peace. I trust in that -- in that -- in that rvice you find some things worthy. As for the rest of it, I know y ou will find ways to improve performance in the future.
You and I, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nations' great goals.
To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing aspiration: We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that tho now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its few spiritual blessings. Tho who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are innsitive to the needs of others will learn
charity; and that the sources -- scourges of poverty, dia, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.
Now, on Friday noon, I am to become a private citizen. I am proud to do so. I look forward to it.
Thank you, and good night.
同胞们，晚上好！
首先，我要对多年来一直给我提供向国民传递报告和消息的机会的广播电视网表示诚挚的感谢。我要特别感谢他们今晚给我机会跟你们讲话。
三天以后，为国家服役半个世纪的我将在一个传统而庄严的仪式上，把总统的职责移交给我的继任者。
今晚，我来向你们告别，我要告诉你们我离任前的最后一些想法，我的同胞们。
和其他每一位公民一样，我祝愿新总统和他的总统班子一帆风顺。我祈祷来年和平繁荣。
我们的人民期待他们的总统和国会寻求在重大时刻的问题上的基本一致，关于这些问题的明智的解决方案将打造国家更好的未来。我个人与国会的关系，开始于很久以前，建立在疏远且不牢固的基础之上，当时一个参议员推荐我去西点军校，在二战期间及战争刚刚结束的时期，这种关系变得亲密了，最终在过去的八年里形成了互相依存的关系。在这最后的关系中，在最生死攸关的问题上，国会和政府合作得非常好，以便很好地为国家服务，而不是为党派服务，因此保证了国家的事业滚滚向前。所以，我与国会的关系，在我这方面，是以一种感激结束的，因为我们一起取得了如此伟大的成就。
冷漠头像男生
我们现在已经走过本世纪中点十年了，在这个世纪我们目睹了四场大国之间的大规模战争。其中有三场我们国家也卷入了。尽管经历了这些战争浩劫，美国仍是当今世界上最强大、最有影响力和生产力最强的国家。我们为我们的杰出而自豪，是可以理解的，然而我们也认识到美国的领导地位和威望不仅取决于我们无以伦比的物力、财力和军力，还取决于我们如何为人类的进步和世界的和平而使用我们的实力。
