Unit 5
Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death
Patrick Henry
1. Mr. President: No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addresd the hou. But different men often e the same object in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to tho gentlemen, if, entertaining, as I do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my ntiments freely and without rerve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the hou is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery. And in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider mylf as guilty of treason toward my country, and of an
兰州交通大学录取分数线
act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.鲨齿龙科
2. Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wi men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we dispod to be of the number of tho who having eyes e not, and having ears hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I'm willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst and to provide for it.
3. I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify tho hopes with which gentlemen have been plead to solace themlves and the hou? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourlves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourlv
es how this gracious reception of our petition comports with tho warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourlves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourlves, sir. The are the implements of war and subjugation — the last arguments to which kings resort.
4. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpo be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are nt over to bind and rivet upon us tho chains which the British ministry have been so long forging.
5. And what have we to oppo to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been
吃饭all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not already been exhausted? Let us not, I beech you, sir, deceive ourlves longer.
走向前
6. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourlves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned with contempt from the foot of the throne! In vain, after the things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free, if we mean to prerve inviolate tho inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending, if we mean not baly to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourlves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained — we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the
God of Hosts is all that is left us!痒痒舞
7. They tell us, sir, that we are weak — unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every hou? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper u of tho means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cau of liberty, and in such a country as that which we posss, are invincible by any force which our enemy can nd against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations and who will rai up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were ba enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their cl
anging may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable — and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come!斯坦福大学的由来
炒鱿鱼的做法衣服简笔画
