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Woodrow Wilson: Peace Without Victory
On the 18th of December last, I addresd an identic note to the governments of the nations now at war requesting them to state, more definitely than they had yet been stated by either group of belligerents, the terms upon which they would deem it possible to make peace. I spoke on behalf of humanity and of the rights of all neutral nations like our own, many of who most vital interests the war puts in constant jeopardy.
The Central Powers united in a reply which stated merely that they were ready to meet their antagonists in conference to discuss terms of peace. The Entente Powers have replied much more definitely and have stated, in general terms, indeed, but with sufficient definiteness to imply details, the arrangements, guarantees, and acts of reparation which they deem to be indispensable conditions of a satisfactory ttlement. We are that much nearer a definite discussion of the peace which shall end the prent war. We are that much nearer the discussion of the international concert which must thereafter hold the world at peace.
青白江凤凰湖In every discussion of the peace that must end this war, it is taken for granted that that peace must be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us again. Every lover of mankind, every sane and thoughtful man must take that for granted.
I have sought this opportunity to address you becau I thought that I owed it to you, as the council associated with me in the final determination of our international obligations, to disclo to you without rerve the thought and purpo that have been taking form in my mind in regard to the duty of our government in the days to come, when it will be necessary to lay afresh and upon a new plan the foundations of peace among the nations.
正宗饺子馅调料配方It is inconceivable that the people of the United States should play no part in that great enterpri. To take part in such a rvice will be the opportunity for which they have sought to prepare themlves by the very principles and purpos of their polity and the approved practices of their government ever since the days when they t up a new natio
n in the high and honorable hope that it might, in all that it was and did, show mankind the way to liberty.
美丽的岳西They cannot in honor withhold the rvice to which they are now about to be challenged. They do not wish to withhold it. But they owe it to themlves and to the other nations of the world to state the conditions under which they will feel free to render it.
That rvice is nothing less than this, to add their authority and their power to the authority and force of other nations to guarantee peace and justice throughout the world. Such a ttlement cannot now be long postponed. It is right that before it comes, this government should frankly formulate the conditions upon which it would feel justified in asking our people to approve its formal and solemn adherence to a League for Peace. I am here to attempt to state tho conditions.
The prent war must first be ended; but we owe it to candor and to a just regard for the opinion of mankind to say that, so far as our participation in guarantees of future peace is concerned, it makes a great deal of difference in what way and upon what terms it is end
ed. The treaties and agreements which bring it to an end must embody terms which will create a peace that is worth guaranteeing and prerving, a peace that will win the approval of mankind, not merely a peace that will rve the veral interests and immediate aims of the nations engaged.We shall have no voice in determining what tho terms shall be, but we shall, I feel sure, have a voice in determining whether they shall be made lasting or not by the guarantees of a universal covenant; and our judgment upon what is fundamental and esntial as a condition precedent to permanency should be spoken now, not afterwards when it may be too late.
No covenant of cooperative peace that does not include the peoples of the New World can suffice to keep the future safe against war; and yet there is only one sort of peace that the peoples of America could join in guaranteeing. The elements of that peace must be elements that engage the confidence and satisfy the principles of the American governments, elements consistent with their political faith and with the practical convictions which the peoples of America have once for all embraced and undertaken to defend.
I do not mean to say that any American government would throw any obstacle in the way of any terms of peace the governments now at war might agree upon or ek to upt them when made, whatever they might be. I only take it for granted that mere terms of peace between the belligerents will not satisfy even the belligerents themlves. Mere agreements may not make peace cure. It will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the ttlement so much greater than the force of any nation now engaged, or any alliance hitherto formed or projected, that no nation, no probable combination of nations, could face or withstand it. If the peace prently to be made is to endure, it must be a peace made cure by the organized major force of mankind.冬雨季施工措施
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The terms of the immediate peace agreed upon will determine whether it is a peace for which such a guarantee can be cured. The question upon which the whole future peace and policy of the world depends is this: Is the prent war a struggle for a just and cure peace, or only for a new balance of power? If it be only a struggle for a new balance of power, who will guarantee, who can guarantee the stable equilibrium of the ne
w arrangement? Only a tranquil Europe can be a stable Europe. There must be, not a balance of power but a community power; not organized rivalries but a organized, common peace.
谈话技巧Fortunately we have received very explicit assurances on this point. The statesmen of both of the groups of nations now arrayed against one another have said, in terms that could not be misinterpreted, that it was no part of the purpo they had in mind to crush their antagonists. But the implications of the assurances may not be equally to all--may not be the same on both sides of the water. I think it will be rviceable if I attempt to t forth what we understand them to be.
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