罗斯福：四大自由(Franklin D. Roovelt: The Four Freedoms)
在一九四一年一月六日致国会的咨文中，富兰克林．罗斯福总统要求国会根据租借法案，把必要的武器装备提供给那些总统认为其防御对美国利益至关重要的国家。由于战争逼近，他宣布了四项「人类的基本自由」这项宣布，被认为是关于美国人民准备为之奋斗的原则的最简要声明。被罗斯福称为四大自由的分别是：表达意见的自由，崇拜的自由，不虞匮乏的自由，免除恐惧的自由。
The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.
第一是在全世界任何地方发表言论和表达意见的自由。
The cond is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way everywhere in the world.
第二是在全世界任何地方，人人有以自己的方式来崇拜上帝的自由。
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will cure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.
第三是不虞匮乏的自由－－这种自由，就世界范围来讲，就是一种经济上的融洽关系，它将保证全世界每一个国家的居民都过健全的、和平时期的生活。
来之不易的近义词
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
第四是免除恐惧的自由－－这种自由，就世界范围来讲，就是世界性的裁减军备，要以一种彻底的方法把它裁减到这样的程度：务使世界上没有一个国家有能力向全世界任何地区的任何邻国进行武力侵略。
演讲全文：The Four Freedoms
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I u the word “unprecedented” becau at no previous time has American curity been as riously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of the -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
徐霞客游记
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But i
n no ca had a rious threat been raid against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I ek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chine wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppo enforced isolation for ourlves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all the years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States becau of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itlf in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it emed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that eks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably t their faces against that tyranny.
割圆术
I suppo that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by cret spreading of poisonous pro
paganda by tho who ek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelqq号怎么注册微信
mingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defen of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defen fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of tho populations in tho four continents, the total of tho populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.
In times like the it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared
America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no curity for us or for our neighbors. Tho who would give up esntial liberty to purcha a little temporary safety derve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of tho who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeament. We must especially beware of that small group of lfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loo talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the as. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic b
as from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, who esntial aports were captured by treachery and surpri built up over a ries of years. The first pha of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by cret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choo the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in rious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress fac
e great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been bad upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been ba
d on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defen.
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all tho resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cau shall prevail, and we strengthen the defen and the curity of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own curity will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appears. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increa in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been t. In some cas the goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cas we are on schedule; in other cas there are slight but not rious delays. And in some cas -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cas -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
楼梯装饰
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program reprent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was t too high or too low, our objective is quicker
and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new asmbly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of cour, must rightly keep itlf informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itlf will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own curity and tho of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be
kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly incread new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to tho nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most uful and immediate role is to act as an arnal for them as well as for ourlves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defen.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely becau of prent inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.性爱健康
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for the weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for tho nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be uful in our own defen.反洗钱
Taking counl of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own curity, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be nt abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defen.
For what we nd abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the clo of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defen of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to re
gain and maintain a free world. We shall nd you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpo and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpo we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally procla
im it so to be.
And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its obrvance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as rious as war itlf -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defen, in defen preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to u the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Tho who man our defens and tho behind them who build our defens must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be bad on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the prervation of democratic life in America. Tho things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cau of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
网络的好处和坏处
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They a
