在美国说中文的英语作文
崔国辅
文化差异何其大 美国为何难以理解中国活动策划方案怎么做
do the events that led to the outbreak of the first world war carry lessons for the sino-american relationship? a century ago it was the ascent of germany under kair wilhelm i thatunttled the world; today a rising china is roiling east asia. then, as now, domestic politicson both sides played a role; one that is too easily neglected.
引致一战发动的事件对中美关系存有什么鼓舞意义吗?一个世纪以前，德国在威廉一世(kair wilhelm i)领导下的兴起使世界深感恐惧;如今，中国的兴起使东亚深感恐惧。当时和现在一样，矛盾双方的国内政治都充分发挥了促进作用——这就是一个太难被人们忽略的因素。
why did britain and germany – linked by trade, dynastic ties, culture and religion – findthemlves at war in august ? in part, as historian paul kennedy has argued, it wasbecau london’s liberal ideology contributed to its perception of a growing german threat.
年8月，存有贸易、王朝纽带、文化和宗教联系的英国和德国为何宣战?从某种意义上来说，正像历史学家保罗•肯尼迪(paul kennedy)所表示的，那是因为伦敦的自由主义意识形态加强了其关于德国威胁日益加剧的重新认识。
filtered through liberalism’s lens, germany looked militarist, autocratic, mercantilist and statist– and contempt for the country’s political culture added to london’s disquiet. when the warbegan, it quickly came to be en as a liberal crusade against “prussianism”.
借由自由主义“棱镜”，德国给人看见的就是军国主义、专制、重商主义和计划经济——而对该国政治文化的憎恶也减少了伦敦的恐惧。当战争发动时，人们立刻将之视作一场征讨“普鲁士主义”的自由主义战争。
纹身手背 in this respect, today’s sino-american rivalry rembles the pre- anglo-germanantagonis the speed of china’s growth worries us policy makers, as do the geopoliticalimplications of its economic transformation.
从这个方面来说，当今的中美对付类似年以前的英德对付。中国的发展速度使美国政策制定者深感忧虑，其经济改革对地缘政治的影响同样使美国恐惧。
across the american political spectrum, china’s success is attributed to its failure to play bythe rules of free trade – for instance, its habit of manipulating the value of its currency andengaging in industrial espionage. market-oriented liberalism is the dominant ideology in theus and, as in pre- britain, it shapes policy makers’ image of their suppod adversary.
在美国政界上下认为，中国的顺利归功于其没严格遵守自由贸易规则，比如利皮扬卡压低汇率，以及专门从事工业间谍活动。以市场为导向的自由主义就是美国的主要意识形态，而正像年前的英国一样，它同意了政策制定者对他们所以为的劲敌的印象。
american leaders view china as a nation who undemocratic political system rais doubtsabout both the scope of its foreign policy ambitions and its trustworthiness as a diplomaticpartner. moreover, china’s combination of political authoritarianism and state-directedcapitalism caus unea becau it challenges the suppod universality of the americanmodel of liberal democracy and free-market capitalis
如果有一天作文
在美国领导人的眼里，中国不民主的政治体制令人猜测其外交政策雄心的范围，以及其
做为外交合作伙伴的可信赖性。此外，中国政治威权主义与国家资本主义的融合令人不安，原因就是它挑战了美国模式的自由主义民主和自由市场资本主义的所谓普适性。
婆媳关系怎么处理
aaron friedberg, a princeton university professor, says that for americans, “the success of amainland [chine] regime that blends authoritarian rule with market-driven economics is anaffront.” for members of the us foreign-policy elite, the chine threat is not so muchgeopolitical as ideological.
普林斯顿大学(princeton university)的阿龙•弗里德伯格(aaron friedberg)教授则表示，在美国人认为，“中国大陆政权将威权统治者和市场导向的经济学融合在一起所获得的顺利就是一种羞辱”。对美国上层外交政策制定者来说，中国威胁更多就是意识形态层面的，而不是地缘政治上的。
powerful external and domestic forces are putting the us and china on the road toconfrontation. china aspires to be the regional hegemon in east (and southeast) asia. the us– the incumbent hegemon, having dominated the region since – is blocking its path.
各种强有力的内外因素正把美中推向对付之路。中国渴求沦为东亚(以及东南亚)地区的霸主，而自年以来主导该地区的现任霸主美国则堵在路上。
yet america’s predominance in east asia contributes little to the curity of a nation whogeography and unsurpasd military capabilities would anyway make it clo to invulnerable.the us is the most cure great power in history – even more so if you factor in thedeterrent effect of nuclear weapons. the true cau of american incurity is not animminent encroachment on its territory but the risk that us alliances – especially with japan –will draw it into a regional conflict.
然而，在东亚地区的主导地位并不能使美国更安全——不管怎样，美国所处的地理位置和具有的不可比肩的军事能力使其处在一种近乎无懈可击的状态。美国就是历史上最安全的大国——如果你考虑到核武器的威慑促进作用，就可以更确实这一点。美国真正的不能安全因素不是其疆域可以遭侵略，而是同盟关系——尤其就是美日同盟——将其逼入地区冲突的风险。
实习周报100篇 the us wants to maintain its east asian dominance to keep the region’s markets open t
oamerican goods and its people open to liberal ideas. china threatens this openness, on whichamerica’s curity is wrongly believed to depend.
美国期望维持在东亚地区的主导地位，以使该地区的市场稳步向美国商品对外开放，其民众稳步拒绝接受自由主义思想的熏陶。中国威胁至了这种对外开放，而美国的安全被错误地以为依赖这种对外开放。
the liberal assumptions embedded in american foreign policy put the us at odds with china,and also heighten beijing’s mistrust of washington’s intentions and ambitions. the spiral ofanimosity that threatens to culminate in a confrontation between the two countries is inlarge part a creation of american policy.
