优美英语短文背诵80篇+中文翻译

2024年3月25日发(作者：柯成)

考研1号英语话题写作第一书《写作160篇》连续5年命中写作原题

>01 Television

Television -- the most pervasive and persuasive of modern technologies, marked by rapid change and growth -- is moving into a new era, an era of extraordinary sophistication and versatility, which promis to reshape

our lives and our world. It is an electronic revolution of sorts, made possible by the marriage of television and computer technologies.

The word "television", derived from its Greek (tele: distant) and Latin (visio: sight) roots, can literally be interpreted

as sight from a distance. Very simply put, it works in this way: through a sophisticated system of electronics,

television provides the capability of converting an image(focud on a special photoconductive plate within a

camera) into

electronic impuls, which can be nt through a wire or cable. The impuls, when fed into a receiver (television t),

can then be electronically reconstituted into that same image.

Television is more than just an electronic system, however. It is a means of expression, as well as a vehicle for communication, and as such becomes a powerful tool for reaching other human beings.

The field of television can be divided into two categories determined by its means of

transmission. First, there is broadcast television, which reaches the mass through broad-bad airwave transmission of

television signals. Second, there is nonbroadcast television, which provides for the needs of individuals or

specific

interest groups through controlled transmission techniques.

Traditionally, television has been a medium of the mass. We are most familiar with broadcast

television becau it has been with us for about thirty-ven years in a form similar to what exists today. During

tho years, it has been controlled, for the most part, by the broadcast networks, ABC, NBC, and CBS, who have been

the major purveyors of news, information, and entertainment. The giants of broadcasting have actually shaped not

only television but our perception of it as well. We have come to look upon the picture tube as a source of entertainment,

placing our role in this dynamic medium as the passive viewer.

电视电视--以快速变化与发展为标志的最普遍、最具有影响力的一项现代技术，正在步 入一个极端复杂化与多样化的新时代。

这个时代承诺重新塑造我们的生活和我们的世界。 这可以称得上是又一次电子革命，其关键在于电视技术与计算机技术的结合。"电视"这个词 来源于希腊语词根(tele：远)和拉丁语词根(vision：景象)，可以从字面上理解为来自远处的 景象。

简单说来，电视是以这种方式工作的，通过一个复杂的电子系统，电视能够将一幅 图像(这幅图像被聚焦在一部摄像机内的一块特殊的光导底片上)转换成能经过导线或电缆 发送出去的电子脉冲信号。

当这些电子脉冲信号被输入一部接收机(电视机)时，就可以用 电子学的方法把脉冲信号重新恢复成同一幅图像。但是，电视不仅仅是一个电子系统，它还是一种表达工具和传播渠道。 因此，电视成了一个对其他人发生影响的强大工具。电视这 个领域可以根据其发射方式分为两类。

第一类为广播电视，通过电视信号的宽带无线电波 发射展现在大众面前；第二类为非广播电视，使用受控的发射技术来满足个人以及某些特殊利益群体的需要。电视早已成为大众媒介。 我们熟悉广播电视，因为广播电视已经以类似 目前的方式存在了大约 37 年。

在那些年头中，电视绝大部分一直由 ABC、NBC、CBS

这 些广播电视公司控制着，这些广播电视公司一直是新闻、信息和娱乐的主要提供者。 这些 广播业的巨头实际上不仅塑造了电视，而且也塑造了我们对电视的理解。 我们渐渐把显像 管看作是娱乐的来源，让自己成为这个生动的媒介的被动观众。

>02 Andrew Carnegie

Andrew Carnegie, known as the King of Steel, built the steel industry in the United States, and, in the process,《写作160篇》全面涵盖当年可考话题，经典话题精心选材，

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became one of the wealthiest men in America. His success resulted in part from his ability to ll the product and in

part from his policy of expanding during periods of economic decline, when most of his competitors were reducing their

investments.

Carnegie believed that individuals should progress through hard work, but he also felt strongly

that the wealthy should u their fortunes for the benefit of society. He oppod charity, preferring instead to

provide educational opportunities that would allow others to help themlves. "He who dies rich, dies

disgraced, " he often said.

Among his more noteworthy contributions to society are tho that bear his name, including the Carnegie Institute of

Pittsburgh, which has a library, a muum of fine arts, and a muum of national history. He also founded a school of

technology that is now part of Carnegie-Mellon University. Other philanthropic gifts are the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace to promote understanding between nations, the Carnegie Institute of Washington to

fund scientific rearch, and Carnegie Hall to provide a center for the arts.

Few Americans have been left untouched by Andrew Carnegie's generosity. His contributions of more than five million

dollars established 2,500 libraries in small communities throughout the country and formed the nucleus of the public library

system that we all enjoy today.

安德鲁·卡内基 被称作钢铁大王的安德鲁·卡内基在美国建立了钢铁工业。 在这个过 程中，他变成了美国最富有的人之一。

他的成功，部分来自于他销售产品的能力，部分来 自于经济萧条时期的扩充策略。 在萧条时期，他的多数对手都在缩减投资。卡内基认为个 人应该通过努力工作来获得进展，但他也强烈地感到有钱人应该运用他们的财富来为社会谋 取福利。 他反对施舍救济，更愿意提供教育机会，使别人自立。

卡内基经常说："富有着 死去的人死得可耻。"他对社会的较重要的贡献都以他的名字命名。 这些贡献包括匹兹堡卡

内基学校。

这个学校有一个图书馆，一个美术馆和一个国家历史博物馆；他还创立了一所 技术学校，这所学校现在是卡内基 梅隆大学的一部分；其他的慈善捐赠有为促进国家间了 解的"卡内基国际和平基金"，为科学研究提供经费的华盛顿卡内基学院以及给各种艺术活动 提供活动中心的卡内基音乐厅。安德鲁·卡内基的慷慨大度几乎影响到每个美国人的生活。 由于他超过五百万美元的捐款，2500 个图书馆得以建立起来，遍布在美国各地的小村镇， 形成了我们今天还在享用的公共图书馆系统的核心。

>03 American Revolution

The American Revolution was not a revolution in the n of a radical or total change. It was not a sudden and violent overturning of the political and social framework, such as later occurred in France

and Russia, when both were already independent nations.

Significant changes were ushered in, but they were not breathtaking. What happened was

accelerated evolution rather than outright revolution. During the conflict itlf people went onworking and praying, marrying

and playing. Most of them were not riously disturbed by the actual fighting, and many of the more isolated communities

scarcely

knew that a war was on. America's War of Independence heralded the birth of three modern nations. One was Canada,

which received its first large influx of English-speaking population from the thousands of loyalists who fled there from the

United States. Another was Australia, which became a penal colony now that America was no longer available for prisoners

and debtors. The third newcomer -- the United States -- bad itlf squarely on republican principles.

Yet even the political overturn was not so revolutionary as one might suppo. In some states, notably Connecticut

and Rhode Island, the war largely ratified a colonial lf-rule already existing. British officials, everywhere

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ousted, were replaced by a home-grown governing class, which promptly sought a local substitute for king and Parliament.

美国革命 美国革命其实并不算是一场革命，因为它并未导致完全的和彻底的变化。 这

次革命并不是对政治和社会框架的一次突然和猛烈的颠覆，象后来在已经是独立国家的法国 和俄国所爆发的革命那样。

革命带来了重大的变化，但并非翻天覆地，所发生的只是进化 的加速，而不是一场彻底的革命；在冲突期间，人们仍然上班、做礼拜、结婚、玩耍。 多数人并没有受到实际战斗的严重影响。 许多较闭塞的社区对这场战争几乎一无所知。美国 独立战争宣布了三个现代国家的诞生，其中一个是加拿大。

加拿大的第一大批讲英语的流 入人口来自于成千上万英王的效忠者， 这些人从美国逃到了加拿大。 另一个国家是澳大利 亚，因为美国不再是容纳罪犯和欠债者的国度了，澳大利亚就变成了一个惩治罪犯的殖民地(注：独立战争前，英国政府将罪犯流放到美国)。 第三个国家就是美国，它完全建立在共和原则基础上。即使政治上的颠覆也不如人们可能想象的那样具有革命性。 在一些州，特 别是康涅狄格和罗德岛，战争基本上只是承认了已经存在的殖民地的自治。

四处被驱逐的 英国官员都被本土的统治阶级所替代，这个统治阶级迅速地以地方权力机关来替代国王和议 会。

>04 Suburbanization

If by "suburb" is meant an urban margin that grows more rapidly than its already developed interior, the process of

suburbanization began during the emergence of the industrial city in the cond quarter of the nineteenth century. Before that

period the city was a small highly compact cluster in which people moved about on foot and goods were conveyed by hor

and cart.

But the early factories built in the 1830's and 1840's were located along waterways and near

railheads at the edges of cities, and housing was needed for the thousands of people drawn by the prospect of employment. In

time, the factories were surrounded by proliferating mill towns of apartments and row hous that abutted the

older, main cities. As a defen against this encroachment and to enlarge their tax bas, the cities appropriated

their industrial neighbors. In1854, for example, the city of Philadelphia annexed most of Philadelphia

County. Similar municipal maneuvers took place in Chicago and in New York. Indeed, most great cities of the United States

achieved such status only by incorporating the communities along their borders.

With the acceleration of industrial growth came acute urban crowding and accompanying social stress -- conditions that began to approach disastrous proportions when, in 1888, the first commercially successful electric traction line was developed. Within a few years the hor-drawn trolleys were retired and electric streetcar

networks crisscrosd and connected every major urban area, fostering a wave of suburbanization that

transformed the compact industrial city into a disperd first pha of mass-scale suburbanization

was reinforced by the simultaneous emergence of the urban Middle Class, who desires for

homeownership in neighborhoods far from the aging inner city were satisfied by the developers of single-family housing

tracts.

郊区的发展 如果"郊区"指的是比已建好的城市内部发展更为迅速的城市边缘地带，那 么郊区化可以说始于 1825

年至 1850 年工业化城市出现期间。

在这之前，城市只是高度密 集的小聚居群。 在其中，人们步行走动，商品靠马车来运送。 但是建于 18 世纪三四十年 代的早期工厂位于城边的航道和铁路附近，被工作机会吸引到这里的成千上万的人们需要住房。 渐渐地，在与旧有的主要城区相毗邻的地方，不断涌现出由排房和公寓楼组成的工人 聚居区，包围了工厂。作为对这种侵蚀的自卫，也为了扩大它们收税的地域范围，城市吞并 了工业化的临近地带，比如 1854 年费城的城区就兼并了费县的绝大部分地区。 相似的城市 化也发生在芝加哥和纽约。 今天很多美国的大城市其实就是靠吞并它们附近的边缘地区而 变成大都会的。随着工业化的加速发展，城市里出现了严重拥挤和相伴而来的社会压力。 当1888 年第一条商业上成功的电气化铁轨被制造出来时，压力开始接近危机的程度。 几年之内，马车就被废弃了，电车网相互交织连《写作160篇》全面涵盖当年可考话题，经典话题精心选材，

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考研1号英语话题写作第一书《写作160篇》连续5年命中写作原题

接着各个重要的城区，从而形成了一种郊区化的潮 流，即密集的工业城市转变成了分散的都市。

此时城市中产阶级的出现进一步加强了第一 波大规模郊区化。 这些中产阶级希望在远离老旧城市的地区拥有住宅，单一家庭住宅地区 的开发者满足了他们的愿望。

>5 Types of Speech

Standard usage includes tho words and expressions understood, ud, and accepted by a majority of the speakers of a

language in any situation regardless of the level of formality. As such, the words and expressions are well defined and

listed in standard dictionaries. Colloquialisms, on the other hand, are familiar words and idioms that are understood by

almost all speakers of a language and ud in informal speech or writing, but not considered appropriate for more formal

situations. Almost all idiomatic expressions are colloquial language. Slang, however, refers to words and expressions

understood by a large number of speakers but not accepted as good, formal usage by the majority. Colloquial

expressions and even slang may be found in standard dictionaries but will be so identified. Both colloquial

usage and slang are more common in speech than in writing.

Colloquial speech often pass into standard speech. Some slang also pass into standard speech, but other slang expressions enjoy momentary popularity followed by obscurity. In some cas, the majority never accepts certain slang phras but nevertheless retains them in their collective memories. Every generation ems to require its own

t of words to describe familiar objects and events.

It has been pointed out by a number of linguists that three cultural conditions are necessary for the creation of a large body of

slang expressions. First, the introduction and acceptance of new objects and situations in the society; cond, a

diver population with a large number of subgroups; third, association among the subgroups and the majority

population

Finally, it is worth noting that the terms "standard" "colloquial" and "slang" exist only as abstract labels for scholars

who study language. Only a tiny number of the speakers of any language will be aware that they are using colloquial or

slang expressions. Most speakers of English will, during appropriate situations, lect and u all three types of

expressions.

语言的类型 标准用法包括那些为使用这种语言的大多数人在任何场合下理解、使用和 接受的词和短语，而不论该场合是否正式。

这些词和短语的意义已很确定并被列入了标准 词典中。 相反，俗语是指那些几乎所有讲这种语言的人都理解并在非正式的口头或书面中 使用，却不适用于更正规的一些场合的词和短语。 几乎所有的习惯用语都属于俗语，而俚

语指的是为很多讲这种语言的人理解但大多数人不把它们列入好的、正式用法之内的词和短 语；俗语甚至俚语都可能在标准字典中查到，但是字典中会标明它们的性质。

俗语和俚语 词汇的应用都是口头较多、笔头较少。俗语用法经常地被接受为标准用法。 一些俚语也变 成了标准用法，但另外一些俚语只经历了短暂的流行，而后就被弃之不用了。 有时候，多 数人从来不接受某些俚语，但是他们把这些俚语保存到集中记忆中。

每一代人似乎都需要 独有的一套词汇来描述熟知的物体和事件。 很多语言学家指出，大量俚语的形成需要三个

文化条件：第一，对社会中新事物的引入和接受；第二，一个由大量子群构成的多样化人口； 第三，各子群与多数人口之间的联系。最后需要提到的是，"标准语"、"俗语"和"俚语"这些 术语只是对研究语言的专家才有用的抽象标签。

不论何种语言，只会有很小一部分使用者能够意识到他们是在使用俗语或俚语。 讲英语的多数人能够在适当的场合中选择使用所有 这三种语言类型。

06 The Language of Music

A painter hangs his or her finished picture on a wall, and everyone can e it. A compor writes a work, but no one can

hear it until it is performed.

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Professional singers and players have great responsibilities, for the compor is utterly dependent on them. A student of

music needs as long and as arduous a training to become a performer as a medical student needs to become a doctor. Most

training is concerned with technique, for musicians have to have the muscular proficiency of an athlete or a ballet

dancer. Singers practice breathing every day, as their vocal chords would be inadequate without controlled muscular support.

String players practice moving the fingers of the left hand up and down, while drawing the bow to and fro with the right arm

-- two entirely different movements.

Singers and instrumentalists have to be able to get every note perfectly in tune. Pianists are spared this particular anxiety,

for the notes are already there, waiting for them, and it is the piano tuner's responsibility to tune the instrument for them. But

they have their own difficulties: the hammers that hit the strings have to be coaxed not to sound

like percussion, and each overlapping tone has to sound clear.

This problem of getting clear texture is one that confronts student conductors: they have to learn to know every note of the

music and how it should sound, and they have to aim at controlling the sounds with fanatical but lfless authority.

Technique is of no u unless it is combined with musical knowledge and understanding. Great artists are tho who

are so thoroughly at home in the language of music that they can enjoy performing works written in any century.

音乐的语言

画家将已完成的作品挂在墙上，每个人都可以观赏到。 作曲家写完了一部作品，得由 演奏者将其演奏出来，其他人才能得以欣赏。因为作曲家是如此完全地依赖于职业歌手和职 业演奏者，所以职业歌手和职业演奏者肩上的担子可谓不轻。

一名学音乐的学生要想成为 一名演奏者，需要经受长期的、严格的训练，就象一名医科的学生要成为一名医生一样。

绝 大多数的训练是技巧性的。

音乐家们控制肌肉的熟练程度，必须达到与运动员或巴蕾舞演 员相当的水平。 歌手们每天都练习吊嗓子，因为如果不能有效地控制肌肉的话，他们的声 带将不能满足演唱的要求。 弦乐器的演奏者练习的则是在左手的手指上下滑动的同时，用 右手前后拉动琴弓--两个截然不同的动作。歌手和乐器演奏者必须使所有的音符完全相同协 调。 钢琴家们则不用操这份心，因为每个音符都已在那里等待着他们了。

给钢琴调音是调 音师的职责。 但调音师们也有他们的难处： 他们必须耐心地调理敲击琴弦的音锤，不能让 音锤发出的声音象是打击乐器，而且每个交叠的音都必须要清晰。如何得到乐章清晰的纹理 是学生指挥们所面临的难题：他们必须学会了解音乐中的每一个音及其发音之道。 他们还 必须致力于以热忱而又客观的权威去控制这些音符。除非是和音乐方面的知识和悟性结合起 来，单纯的技巧没有任何用处。

艺术家之所以伟大在于他们对音乐语言驾轻就熟，以致于 可以满怀喜悦地演出写于任何时代的作品。

>07 Schooling and Education

It is commonly believed in the United States that school is where people go to get an education. Nevertheless, it has

been said that today children interrupt their education to go to school. The distinction between schooling and education

implied by this remark is important.

Education is much more open-ended and all-inclusive than schooling. Education knows no bounds. It can take place

anywhere, whether in the shower or in the job, whether in a kitchen or on a tractor. It includes both the formal learning

that takes place in schools and the whole univer of informal learning. The agents of education can range from a revered

grandparent to the people debating politics on the radio, from a child to a distinguished scientist.

Whereas schooling has a certain predictability, education quite often produces surpris. A chance conversation with a

stranger may lead a person to discover how little is known of other religions. People are engaged in education from infancy

on. Education, then, is a very broad, inclusive term. It is a lifelong process, a process that starts long before the start

of school, and one that should be an integral part of one's entire life.

Schooling, on the other hand, is a specific, formalized process, who general pattern varies little from one tting to

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the next.

Throughout a country, children arrive at school at approximately the same time, take assigned ats, are taught by

an adult, u similar textbooks, do homework, take exams, and so on. The slices of reality that are to be learned, whether they

are the alphabet or an understanding of the workings of government, have usually been limited by the boundaries of the

subject being taught. For example, high school students know that they are not likely to find out in their class the truth

about political problems in their communities or what the newest filmmakers are experimenting with.

There are definite conditions surrounding the formalized process of schooling.

上学与受教育

在美国，人们通常认为上学是为了受教育。 而现在却有人认为孩子们上学打断了他们 受教育的过程。 这种观念中的上学与受教育之间的区别非常重要。

与上学相比，教育更具 开放性，内容更广泛。 教育不受任何限制。 它可以在任何场合下进行，在淋浴时，在工作 时，在厨房里或拖拉机上。

它既包括在学校所受的正规教育，也包括一切非正规教育。 传 授知识的人可以是德高望重的老者，可以是收音机里进行政治辩论的人们，可以是小孩子， 也可以是知名的科学家。 上学读书多少有点可预见性，而教育往往能带来意外的发现。 与 陌生人的一次随意谈话可能会使人认识到自己对其它宗教其实所知甚少。

人们从幼时起就 开始受教育。 因此，教育是一个内涵很丰富的词，它自始至终伴随人的一生，早在人们上 学之前就开始了。

教育应成为人生命中不可缺少的一部分。然而，上学却是一个特定的形 式化了的过程。 在不同场合下，它的基本形式大同小异。 在全国各地，孩子们几乎在同一 时刻到达学校，坐在指定的座位上，由一位成年人传授知识，使用大致相同的教材，做作业， 考试等等。

他们所学的现实生活中的一些片断，如字母表或政府的运作，往往受到科目范 围的限制。

例如，高中生们知道，在课堂上他们没法弄清楚他们社区里政治问题的真情， 也不会了解到最新潮的电影制片人在做哪些尝试。

学校教育这一形式化的过程是有特定的限制的。

>08 The Definition of "Price"

Prices determine how resources are to be ud. They are also the means by which products and rvices that are in limited supply are rationed among buyers. The price system of the United States is a complex network compod

of the prices of all the products bought and sold in the economy as well as tho of a myriad of

rvices, including labor, professional, transportation, and public-utility rvices. The interrelationships of all the

prices make up the"system" of prices. The price of any particular product or rvice is linked to a broad, complicated

system of prices in which everything ems to depend more or less upon everything el. If one were to ask a group of

randomly lected individuals to define "price", many would reply that price is an amount of money paid by the buyer

to the ller of a product or rvice or, in other words, that price is the money value of a product or

rvice as agreed upon in a market transaction. This definition is, of cour, valid as far as it goes. For a complete

understanding of a price in any particular transaction, much more than the amount of money involved must be

known. Both the buyer and the ller should be familiar with not only the money amount, but with the amount and quality of

the product or rvice to be exchanged, the time and place at which the exchange will take place and payment will be made,

the form of money to be ud, the credit terms and discounts that apply to the transaction, guarantees on the product or

rvice, delivery terms, return privileges, and other factors. In other words, both buyer and ller should be fully aware of

all the factors that compri the total "package" being exchanged for the asked-for amount of money in order that they

may evaluate a given price.

"价格"的定义 价格决定资源的使用方式。 价格也是有限的产品与服务在买方中的配给 手段。

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美国的价格系统是复杂的网状系统，包括经济生活中一切产品买卖的价格，也包括 名目繁多的各种服务，诸如劳动力、专职人员、交通运输、公共事业等服务的价格。

所有 这些价格的内在联系构成了价格系统。 任何一种个别产品或服务的价格都与这个庞大而复 杂的系统密切相关，而且或多或少地受到系统中其它成份的制约。如果随机挑选一群人，问 问他们如何定义"价格"，许多人会回答价格就是根据卖方提供的产品或服务，买方向其付出 的钱数。

换句话说，价格就是市场交易中大家认同的产品或服务的货币量。 该定义就其本 身来说自有其道理。

但要获得对价格在任何一桩交易中的完整认识，就必须考虑到大量" 非货币"因素的影响。 买卖双方不但要清楚交易中的钱数，而且要非常熟悉交易物的质量和 数量，交易的时间、地点，采用哪种形式付款，有怎样的缓付和优惠，对交易物的质量保证、 交货条款、退赔权利等等。

也就是说，为了能估算索价，买卖双方必须通晓构成交易物价 格的通盘细节。

>09Electricity

The modern age is an age of electricity. People are so ud to electric lights, radio, televisions, and telephones that it is hard to

imagine what life would be like without them. When there is a power failure, people grope about in flickering candlelight,

cars hesitate in the streets becau there are no traffic lights to guide them, and food spoils in silent refrigerators.

Yet, people began to understand how electricity works only a little more than two centuries ago. Nature has apparently been

experimenting in this field for millions of years. Scientists are discovering more and more that the living world may hold

many interesting crets of electricity that could benefit humanity.

All living cells nd out tiny puls of electricity. As the heart beats, it nds out puls of record; they form an

electrocardiogram, which a doctor can study to determine how well the heart is working. The brain, too, nds out

brain waves of electricity, which can be recorded in an electroencephalogram. The electric currents generated by most

living cells are extremely small -- often so small that nsitive instruments are needed to record them. But in some animals,

certain muscle cells have become so specialized as electrical generators that they do not work as muscle cells at all. When

large numbers of the cells are linked together, the effects can be astonishing.

The electric eel is an amazing storage battery. It can nd a jolt of as much as eight hundred volts of electricity through the

water in which it lives. (An electric hou current is only one hundred twenty volts.) As many as four-fifths of

all the cells in the electric eel's body are specialized for generating electricity, and the strength of the shock it can

deliver corresponds roughly to the length of its body.

电

当今时代是电气时代。 人们对电灯、收音机、电视和电话早已司空见惯以致很难想 象没有它们生活会变成什么样。

当停电时，人们在摇曳不定的烛光下暗中摸索； 因没有红 绿灯的指示，汽车在道路上迟疑不前；冰箱也停止工作，导致食物变质。人们只是在两个世 纪前一点才开始了解电的使用原理，自然界却显然在这方面经历过了数百万年。

科学家不 断发现许多生物世界里可能有益于人类的关于电的有趣秘密。所有生物细胞都会发出微小的 电脉冲。

当心脏跳动时，把它发出的脉冲记录下来就成了心电图，这可让医生了解心脏的 工作状况。大脑也发出脑电波，这可在脑电图上记录下来。

许多生物细胞发出的电流都是 极微小的，小到要用灵敏仪器才能记录和测量。 但一些动物的某些肌肉细胞能转化成一个 个发电机，以致完全失去肌肉细胞的功能。

这种细胞大量地连接在一起时产生的效果将是 非常令人吃惊的。电鳗就是一种令人惊异的蓄电池。 它可以在水中发出相当于 800 伏特电 压电流(家庭用户的电压只有 120 伏特)。 在电鳗的身体里，多至五分之四的细胞都专门用 来发电，而且发出的电流的强度大约和它身体的长度成正比。

>10 The Beginning of Drama

There are many theories about the beginning of drama in ancient Greece. The one most widely accepted today is bad

on the assumption that drama evolved from ritual. The argument for this view goes as follows. In the beginning, human

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beings viewed the natural forces of the world - even the asonal changes - as unpredictable, and they sought through

various means to control the unknown and feared powers. Tho measures which appeared to bring

the desired results were then retained and repeated until they hardened into fixed rituals. Eventually stories aro which

explained or veiled the mysteries of the rites. As time pasd some rituals were abandoned, but the stories, later called myths,

persisted and provided material for art and who believe that drama evolved out of ritual also argue that tho

rites contained the ed of theater becau music, dance, masks, and costumes were almost always

ud. Furthermore, a suitable site had to be provided for performances and when the entire community did not participate,

a clear division was usually made between the "acting area" and the "auditorium." In addition,

there were performers, and, since considerable importance was attached to avoiding mistakes in the enactment

of rites, religious leaders usually assumed that task. Wearing masks and costumes, they often impersonated other people,

animals, or supernatural beings, and mimed the desired effect -- success in hunt or battle, the coming rain, the revival of

the Sun -- as an actor might.

Eventually such dramatic reprentations were parated from religious activities.

Another theory traces the theater's origin from the human interest in storytelling. According to this view tales (about the hunt,

war, or other feats) are gradually elaborated, at first through the u of impersonation, action, and dialogue by a narrator and

then through the assumption of each of the roles by a different person. A cloly related theory traces theater to tho

dances that are primarily rhythmical and gymnastic or that are imitations of animal movements

and sounds.

戏剧的起源 关于古希腊戏剧的起源存在着多种理论，其中一个最普遍为人接受的理论 假设认为戏剧从仪式演化而来。

这个观点是这样进行论证的：一开始，人类把世界上的自 然力量，甚至季节的变化都看成是不可预料的。 他们试图通过各种方式去控制这些未知的、 令人恐惧的力量。 那些似乎带来了满意结果的手段就被保留下来并且重复直到这些手段固 化为不变的仪式，最后产生了能够解释或者掩盖这些仪式神秘性的故事。

随着时间的推移， 一些仪式被废弃了，但这些后来被称作神话的故事流传下来并且为艺术和戏剧提供了素材。

认为戏剧从仪式演化而来的人们还认为那些仪式包含了戏剧的基本因素，因为音乐、舞蹈、 面具和服装几乎经常被使用，而且，必须为演出提供一个合适的地点；如果不是整个社区共 同参加演出，经常在"演出区"和"观众席"之间划分出明显的分界。

另外，仪式中还有演员， 而且宗教领袖通常承担演出任务，因为在仪式的执行中避免错误的发生被认为有相当大的重 要性；他们经常带着面具，穿着服装象演员那样扮演其它人、动物或超自然的生灵，用动作 来表演以达到所需要的效果，比如打猎的成功或战斗的胜利、将至的雨、太阳的复活。 最 后这些戏剧性的表演从宗教活动中分离了出来。

另一个追溯戏剧起源的理论认为它来自人 们对叙述故事的兴趣。 根据这个观点，故事(关于狩猎、战争或者其它伟绩)是逐渐丰富起 来的。

首先通过一个讲解人来运用模仿、表演和对话，然后再由不同的人扮演各自的角色； 另一个与之紧密相关的理论将戏剧的起源追溯至舞蹈，这些舞蹈大体上是有节奏感的和体操 式的那一类，或者是对动物动作和声音的模仿。

>11 Archaeology

Archaeology is a source of history, not just a humble auxiliary discipline. Archaeological data are historical documents in

their own right, not mere illustrations to written texts. Just as much as any other historian, an archaeologist studies and

tries to reconstitute the process that has created the human world in which we live -- and us ourlves in so far as

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we are each creatures of our age and social environment. Archaeological data are all changes in the material world

resulting from human action or, more succinctly, the fossilized results of human behavior. The sum total of the constitutes

what may be called the archaeological record. This record exhibits certain peculiarities and deficiencies the

conquences of which produce a rather superficial contrast between archaeological history and the more familiar

kind bad upon written records.

Not all human behavior fossilizes. The words I utter and you hear as vibrations in the air are certainly human changes in

the material world and may be of great historical significance. Yet they leave no sort of trace in the archaeological records

unless they are captured by a dictaphone or written down by a clerk. The movement of troops on the battlefield may "change

the cour of history," but this is equally ephemeral from the archaeologist's standpoint. What is perhaps wor, most

organic materials are perishable. Everything made of wood, hide, wool, linen, grass, hair, and similar materials will decay

and vanish in dust in a few years or centuries, save under very exceptional conditions. In a relatively brief period the

archaeological record is reduced to mere scraps of stone, bone, glass, metal, and earthenware. Still modern archaeology,

by applying appropriate techniques and comparative methods, aided by a few lucky finds from peat-bogs, derts, and

frozen soils, is able to fill up a good deal of the gap.

考古学

考古学是历史学的一个来源，而不是地位卑微的辅助学科。 考古学资料本身也是一种 历史文献，而不仅仅是文字资料的例证。 正象任何一位历史学家那样，考古学家研究调查 并尽力去重构一个过程。 这个过程创造了我们生活的人类世界，也创造了我们自身，因为 我们都是我们所处的时代和社会环境的产物。 考古学的资料就是人类行为所造成的物质变 化。 更简洁地说，是石化了的人类行为。 这些变化的总和构成了我们所说的考古学记录。 这些记录自有其独特和不足之处，因而导致人们对考古历史和更熟悉的文字记载历史进行相 当肤浅的对比。

并不是所有的人类行为都留下化石。 我说的话，你通过空气振动听见，这 当然是人类造成的物质变化，也可能有重大的历史意义，但这些话在考古学中未留下丝毫痕 迹，除非有人用录音机录下来或文书把这些话写了下来。

战场上军队的行动可能"改变历史 的进程"，但从考古学的观点来看，这同样是难以捕捉的；可能更糟的是，多数有机物质会 腐烂。 任何由木头、生皮、绒线、亚麻、草、毛发以及相似物质做成的东西除非在一些非 常特殊的条件下，几年或几个世纪以后，会在尘土中腐烂并消失。 在短时期内，能留下考 古记录的东西也都会退化为石头、骨头、玻璃、金属和陶器的碎片。 然而，现代考古学通 过运用适当的技术和比较的方法，在从泥炭、沙漠和冻土中所获得的一些幸运发现的辅助下， 能够填充这个空缺的很大部分。

>12 Muums

From Boston to Los Angeles, from New York City to Chicago to Dallas, muums are either planning, building, or wrapping

up wholesale expansion programs. The programs already have radically altered facades and floor plans or are expected to

do so in the not-too-distant New York City alone, six major institutions have spread up and out into the air space and

neighborhoods around them or are preparing to do so.

The reasons for this confluence of activity are complex, but one factor is a consideration everywhere -- space. With

collections expanding, with the needs and functions of muums changing, empty space has become a very precious

commodity.

Probably nowhere in the country is this more true than at the Philadelphia Muum of Art, which has needed additional space

for decades and which received its last significant facelift ten years ago. Becau of the space crunch, the Art Muum has

become increasingly cautious in considering acquisitions and donations of art, in some cas passing up

opportunities to strengthen its collections.

Deaccessing -- or lling off -- works of art has taken on new importance becau of the muum's space problems. And increasingly, curators have been forced to juggle gallery space, rotating one masterpiece into public view while

another is nt to storage.

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Despite the clear need for additional gallery and storage space, however, "the muum has no plan, no plan to break out of its

envelope in the next fifteen years," according to Philadelphia Muum of Art's president.

博物馆 从波士顿到洛杉机，从纽约到芝加哥、到达拉斯，所有的博物馆或者正在筹划、建造或者正在完成大规模的扩建计划。 这些计划或者已经根本性地改变了博物馆门面与展厅的设 计，或者预期在不久的将来会这样做。

单单在纽约市，六个主要机构或者已经向空中和周 围扩展，或者正准备这样做。大家一致行动的原因是复杂多样的，但其中的一个因素是普遍 考虑的空间问题。 随着收藏品的增多，也随着博物馆的需要和功能的变化，空间已经变成 了一项非常珍贵的商品。在我国，也许没有任何其他地方比费城艺术博物馆更符合这个事实。 这个博物馆几十年来一直需要额外的空间，十年前进行了最后一次重大的翻新。 由于空间 紧缺，该艺术博物馆在考虑购买与受赠艺术品已越来越谨慎，有时甚至放弃增强艺术收藏的 机会。由于博物馆的空间问题，将艺术品脱手或者说卖掉已经有了新的重要意义。 博物馆 馆长们被迫巧妙轮换利用陈列馆的空间，轮流着把一些艺术杰作向公众展出，而把另一些送 入存储室中。虽然对额外的陈列室和存储室空间需要很明显，但据费城艺术博物馆经理讲："博物馆还没有在未来十五年打破这个束缚的计划。"

>13 Skyscrapers and Environment

In the late 1960's, many people in North America turned their attention to environmental problems, and new steel-and-glass skyscrapers were widely criticized. Ecologists pointed out that a cluster of tall buildings in a city often

overburdens public transportation and parking lot capacities.

Skyscrapers are also lavish consumers, and wasters, of electric power. In one recent year, the addition of 17 million square

feet of skyscraper office space in New York City raid the peak daily demand for electricity by 120, 000 kilowatts --

enough to supply the entire city of Albany, New York, for a day.

Glass-walled skyscrapers can be especially wasteful. The heat loss (or gain) through a wall of half-inch plate glass is

more than ten times that through a typical masonry wall filled with insulation board. To lesn the strain on heating

and air-conditioning equipment, builders of skyscrapers have begun to u double-glazed panels of glass, and reflective

glass coated with silver or gold mirror films that reduce glare as well as heat gain. However,

mirror-walled skyscrapers rai the temperature of the surrounding air and affect neighboring buildings.

Skyscrapers put a vere strain on a city's sanitation facilities, too. If fully occupied, the two World Trade Center towers

in New York City would alone generate 2.25 million gallons of raw wage each year -- as much as a city the size of

Stanford, Connecticut, which has a population of more than 109, 000.

摩天大楼与环境

60 年代后期，许多北美人把注意力转向了环境问题，那些崭新的玻璃钢摩天大楼受到 了广泛的批评。

生态学家指出，城市中密集的高层建筑经常给公共交通与停车场的承载能 力造成过重的负担。摩天大楼还是电能的过度消费者与浪费者。 最近的某一年，纽约市摩 天写字楼 1，700 万英尺办公面积的增加使电能的最高日需求量提高了 120，000 千瓦。 这 些电能足以供纽约的整个奥尔巴尼市使用一天。玻璃表面的摩天大楼特别地浪费。 通过半 英寸的平板玻璃墙壁损失(或增加)的热量是典型的加入绝缘板的石墙所允许的热量损失(或 增加)的十倍以上。

为了减轻取暖设备或空调设备的压力，摩天大楼的建造者们已经开始使 用双面上釉的玻璃镶板和涂上了金色或银色反光薄膜的反光玻璃，来减少强光照射和热量的 增加；但是，镜面的摩天大楼会提高周围空气的温度并会对附近的建筑物产生影响。摩天大 楼也对城市的卫生设施造成了沉重的压力。

单单纽约市的二个世界贸易中心大楼如果完全 被占满的话，每年就会产生 2，250，000 加仑的污水。 这相当于康涅狄格州的斯坦福市这 样大的城市一年所产生的污水量，而康州的斯坦福市拥有 109，000 人口。

>14 A Rare Fossil Record

The prervation of embryos and juveniles is a rate occurrence in the fossil record. The tiny, delicate skeletons are usually

scattered by scavengers or destroyed by weathering before they can be fossilized.

Ichthyosaurs had a higher chance of being prerved than did terrestrial creatures becau, as marine

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animals, they tended to live in environments less subject to erosion. Still, their fossilization required a suite of factors:

a slow rate of decay of soft tissues, little scavenging by other animals, a lack of swift currents and waves to jumble

and carry away small bones, and fairly rapid burial. Given the factors, some areas have become a

treasury of well-prerved ichthyosaur fossils.

The deposits at Holzmaden, Germany, prent an interesting ca for analysis. The ichthyosaur

remains are found in black, bituminous marine shales deposited about 190 million years ago. Over the years, thousands of

specimens of marine reptiles, fish and invertebrates have been recovered from the rocks. The quality of prervation is outstanding, but what is even more impressive is the number of ichthyosaur fossils containing

prerved embryos.

Ichthyosaurs with embryos have been reported from 6 different levels of the shale in a small area around Holzmaden,

suggesting that a specific site was ud by large numbers of ichthyosaurs repeatedly over time. The embryos are quite

advanced in their physical development; their paddles, for example, are already well formed. One specimen is even

prerved in the birth canal. In addition, the shale contains the remains of many newborns that are between 20 and 30 inches

long.

Why are there so many pregnant females and young at Holzmaden when they are so rare elwhere? The quality of prervation is almost unmatched and quarry operations have been carried out carefully with an awareness of

the value of the fossils. But the factors do not account for the interesting question of how there came to be such a concentration of pregnant ichthyosaurs in a particular place very clo to their time of giving birth.

罕见的化石记录 胚胎与幼体被保存下来在化石记录中是少见的事情。微小纤细的骨骼 通常在石化前就被食腐肉的动物拆散了，或者被风化作用破坏掉了。 鱼龙比起陆地的动物 有更大的几率被保存下来，因为它们作为海洋动物常生活在腐蚀性较小的环境中。 但是它 们的石化需要一系列因素：软组织的腐烂速度缓慢，很少被其他动物残食，缺少混杂、冲走 小骨头的快速水流和波浪，以及相当快地被掩埋。 当这些因素存在时，某些地区就会变成 一个充满保存完好的鱼龙化石的宝库。在德国获尔兹梅登，那儿的沉积物给人们提出了一个 有趣的分析案例。

人们在黑色的、含沥青的海洋页岩中发现了约 19，000 年前沉积下来的 鱼龙化石。 几年时间内，在这些岩石中取得了数以千计的海洋爬行动物、鱼类以及无脊椎 动物的标本。 它们的保存质量非常的好，但更令人称奇的是保存下来的育有胚胎的鱼龙化 石数目。 在获尔兹梅登附近一个小地区的六个不同的页岩层中分别发现了育有胚胎的鱼龙 化石。 这表明大量的鱼龙经年累月重复使用一个特定的地点。 那些胚胎已经发育得相当完 整了。 比如，它们的蹼桨已经完全形成了。

有一个标本甚至被保存在产道中。 而且，那 块页岩包含着很多在 20 到 30 英寸之间的新生幼体的化石。为什么在其他地方那么稀少的怀孕雌兽和幼体在获尔兹梅登却那么多呢? 因为其保存质量几乎举世无双，采集工作的进行一 直是一丝不苟的。大家都认识到这些化石的价值极其珍贵，但这些因素并不能解释这个有 趣的问题： 为什么在一个特定的地点会如此集中地出现即将临产的怀孕鱼龙群呢?

>15 The Nobel Academy

For the last 82 years, Sweden's Nobel Academy has decided who will receive the Nobel Prize in Literature, thereby determining who will be elevated from the great and the near great to the immortal. But today the Academy is coming

under heavy criticism both from the without and from within. Critics contend that the lection of the winners often has less to

do with true writing ability than with the peculiar internal politics of the Academy and of Sweden itlf. According to Ingmar

Bjorksten, the cultural editor for one of the country's two major newspapers, the prize continues to reprent "what people

call a very Swedish exerci: reflecting Swedish tastes." The Academy has defended itlf against such charges of

provincialism in its lection by asrting that its physical distance from the great literary capitals of the world actually rves

to protect the Academy from outside influences. This may well be true, but critics respond that this very distance

may also be responsible for the Academy's inability to perceive accurately authentic trends in the literary world.

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Regardless of concerns over the lection process, however, it ems that the prize will continue to survive both as an

indicator of the literature that we most highly prai, and as an elusive goal that writers ek. If for no other reason, the

prize will continue to be desirable for the financial rewards that accompany it; not only is the cash prize itlf considerable,

but it also dramatically increas sales of an author's books.

诺贝尔委员会

过去的 82 年里，瑞典的诺贝尔委员会决定了谁将获得诺贝尔文学奖，因此也就决定了 谁将从伟大或近乎伟大荣升为不朽。

但在今天，该委员会却遭到了评选委员会内外的猛烈 批评。 批评者们争论说："评选获奖者时，起作用更大的不是真实的写作能力，而是该委员 会以及瑞典特有的内部政治。 按照瑞典两家主要报纸之一的文化版编辑 Ingmar

Bjorksten 的说法，该文学奖仍然是"人们所说的一种非常瑞典式的做为：反映瑞典口味"。对于其评选 过程中目光短浅的指责，该委员会辩护说，该委员会与世界几大文学之都相距遥远，实际上 使该委员会免受外来的干扰。

这也许是对的，但批评者们反驳说，也正因为相距如此遥远， 该委员会才不能准确地把握文学界的真正趋势。尽管对评选程序存在着关注，该文学奖将继 续作为世人最为推崇的文学的标志而存在，并将继续是作家们难以达到却又会不断追逐的目 标。 如果不考虑其他因素，而仅仅考虑与之俱来的经济利益，该奖也将继续为人所渴求：

这不仅因为该奖本身就是一笔可观的现金收入，而且该奖还将极大地增加一个作家的著作的 销量。

>16 The War between Britain and France

In the late eighteenth century, battles raged in almost every corner of Europe, as well as in the Middle East, South Africa,

the West Indies, and Latin America. In reality, however, there was only one major war during this time, the war between

Britain and France. All other battles were ancillary to this larger conflict, and were often at least partially related to its

antagonists' goals and strategies. France sought total domination of Europe. This goal was obstructed by British

independence and Britain's efforts throughout the continent to thwart Napoleon; through treaties, Britain built coalitions

(not dissimilar in concept to today's NATO) guaranteeing British participation in all major European

conflicts. The two antagonists were poorly matched, insofar as they had very unequal strengths: France was predominant

on land, Britain at a. The French knew that, short of defeating the British navy, their only hope of victory was

to clo all the ports of Europe to British ships.

Accordingly, France t out to overcome Britain by extending its military domination from Moscow to Lisbon, from Jutland to Calabria. All of this entailed tremendous risk, becau France did not have the military resources to

control this much territory and still protect itlf and maintain order at home.

French strategists calculated that a navy of 150 ships would provide the force necessary to defeat the British navy. Such a

force would give France a three-to-two advantage over Britain. This advantage was deemed necessary becau of Britain's

superior a skills and technology, and also becau Britain would be fighting a defensive war, allowing it to win with fewer

forces. Napoleon never lost sight of his goal, becau Britain reprented the last substantial

impediment to his control of Europe. As his force neared that goal, Napoleon grew increasingly impatient and began planning

an immediate attack.

英法战争

在 18 世纪后期，战争爆发于欧洲大陆的几乎每一个角落，在中东、南非、西印度群岛、 拉丁美洲亦都是如此。

然而实际上，在这一时期只有一场主要的战争，那就是英法之间的 战争。 所有其他战争都服从于这一更大的争端，至少是与这两个对手的目标和战略有某些 关联。

法国力图统治整个欧洲，而英国的自主及其力图在整个欧洲大陆挫败拿破仑的种种 努力都是法国实现这一目标的障碍。英国通过条约建立了联盟(和今天北约的概念没有什么 不同)以保证英国插手所有欧洲的主要争端。

这两个对头并不是一对好对手，因为他们的力 量极不均衡：法兰西在陆地上称王，英格兰则在海上称霸。 法国人《写作160篇》全面涵盖当年可考话题，经典话题精心选材，

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明白，如果不能击败英 国海军，他们胜利的唯一希望就是让欧洲的所有港口都对英国舰船关闭。 于是，法国将其

军事占领从莫斯科延伸到里斯本，从尤特兰延伸到卡拉布里亚，企图以此来制服英国。 所 有这些行动包含着巨大的风险，因为法国并不具备足够的军事资源，来控制这么多地盘，同 时又能保护自己，维持国内的秩序。法国战略家们的算盘是，其海军若拥有 150 艘军舰，则 将足以击跨英国海军。 这样的武力将使法国对英国具有 3 比 2 的优势。 这种优势被认为是 必不可少的，因为英国人具有超群的海上技能和技术，并且打的是一场防御战争，使它能以 少胜多。

拿破仑从未忘却他的目标，因为英国是他统治全欧的最后一个重大的障碍。 随着 他的力量越来越靠近这个目标，拿破仑变得越来越不耐烦起来，开始策划立即攻击。

>17 Evolution of Sleep

Sleep is very ancient. In the electroencephalographic n we share it with all the primates and almost all the other mammals

and birds: it may extend back as far as the reptiles.

There is some evidence that the two types of sleep, dreaming and dreamless, depend on the life-style of the animal, and that

predators are statistically much more likely to dream than prey, which are in turn much more likely to experience

dreamless sleep. In dream sleep, the animal is powerfully immobilized and remarkably unresponsive to external stimuli.

Dreamless sleep is much shallower, and we have all witnesd cats or dogs cocking their ears to a sound when

apparently fast asleep. The fact that deep dream sleep is rare among prey today ems clearly to be a product of natural

lection, and it makes n that today, when sleep is highly evolved, the stupid animals are less frequently immobilized

by deep sleep than the smart ones. But why should they sleep deeply at all? Why should a state of such deep

immobilization ever have evolved? Perhaps one uful hint about the original function of sleep is to be found in the fact that

dolphins and whales and aquatic mammals in general em to sleep very little. There is, by and large, no place to hide

in the ocean. Could it be that, rather than increasing an animal's vulnerability, the function of sleep is

to decrea it? Wil Webb of the University of Florida and Ray Meddis of London University have suggested this to

be the ca. It is conceivable that animals who are too stupid to be quiet on their own initiative are, during periods

of high risk, immobilized by the implacable arm of sleep. The point ems particularly clear for the young of predatory

animals. This is an interesting notion and probably at least partly true.

睡眠的进化

睡眠是古老的。 从脑电图上看，我们人类和所有灵长目动物以及几乎所有的哺乳动物 和鸟类都一样需要睡眠；甚至爬行类动物也有睡眠。 有证据显示，有梦睡眠和无梦睡眠这两种类型的睡眠取决于该动物的生活方式。 从统计上看，食肉动物比被捕食动物有更多的 有梦睡眠，而被捕食动物更多地无梦睡眠。

动物在有梦睡眠时，被有效地解除动作能力， 并且对外界刺激缺乏反应。 无梦睡眠则要浅得多。 我们都看到过猫和狗在显然的酣睡中， 有一点响动耳朵就会竖起来。 被捕食动物很少有深度的有梦睡眠，这看来显然是自然选择 的结果。

而且这一点是有道理的：当睡眠高度进化以后，愚笨的动物比聪明的动物更少在 深度睡眠状态下丧失动作能力。

但是动物为什么要进入深度睡眠呢?为什么这样的无动作状 态也会进化出来呢? 海豚、鲸鱼以及水生哺乳动物睡眠都极少，这一事实可以给睡眠的根本 功能提供有用的线索。 海洋中是没有藏身之处的。 会不会是这样，睡眠不但不增加动物受 伤害的可能性，反而是减少了这种可能性呢?佛罗里达大学的 Wil Webb 和伦敦大学的 Ray Meddis

认为情况就是如此。 可以想像得出，在危险的时刻，那些由于太愚笨而不能自动保 持安静的动物，会不由自主地变得动弹不得。 这一点在食肉动物的幼兽身上表现得特别明 显。 这是一个很有意思的看法，它至少部分是正确的。

>18 Modern American Universities

Before the 1850's, the United States had a number of small colleges, most of them dating from colonial days. They were small, church connected institutions who primary concern was to shape the moral character of their students.

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Throughout Europe, institutions of higher learning had developed, bearing the ancient name of university. In Germany a

different kind of university had developed. The German university was concerned primarily with creating and

spreading knowledge, not morals. Between midcentury and the end of the 1800's, more than nine thousand young Americans, dissatisfied with their training at home, went to Germany for advanced

study. Some of them returned to become presidents of venerable colleges -- Harvard, Yale, Columbia -- and transform them

into modern universities. The new presidents broke all ties with the churches and brought in a new kind of faculty. Professors

were hired for their knowledge of a subject, not becau they were of the proper faith and had a strong arm for

disciplining students. The new principle was that a university was to create knowledge as well as pass it on, and this

called for a faculty compod of teacher-scholars. Drilling and learning by rote were replaced by the

German method of lecturing, in which the professor's own rearch was prented in class. Graduate training leading to

the Ph.D., an ancient German degree signifying the highest level of advanced scholarly attainment, was

introduced. With the establishment of the minar system, graduate students learned to question, analyze, and conduct

their own rearch.

At the same time, the new university greatly expanded in size and cour offerings, breaking completely out of the old,

constricted curriculum of mathematics, classics, rhetoric, and music. The president of Harvard pioneered the elective system,

by which students were able to choo their own cours of study. The notion of major fields of study emerged. The new

goal was to make the university relevant to the real pursuits of the world. Paying clo heed to the practical needs of

society, the new universities trained men and women to work at its tasks, with engineering students

being the most characteristic of the new regime. Students were also trained as economists, architects, agriculturalists,

social welfare workers, and teachers.

现代美国大学

19 世纪 50 年代以前美国有一些小的学院，大多数成立于殖民时期。 它们是与教会挂钩的小机构，主要目的是培养学生的道德品行。 当时在欧洲各地，高等教育机构已经发展 起来，用的是一个古老的名称--大学。

德国已经发展出一种不同类型的大学。 德国大学关 心的主要是创造知识和传播知识，而不是道德教育。 从世纪中叶到世纪末，有 9000 多名美 国青年因不满国内所受的教育而赴德深造。 他们中的一些人回国后成为一些知名学府--哈 佛、耶鲁、哥伦比亚的校长并且把这些学府转变成了现代意义的大学。

新校长们断绝了和 教会的关系，聘请了新型的教职员，聘用教授根据的是他们在学科方面的知识，而不是正确 的信仰和约束学生的强硬手段。

新的原则是大学既要传播知识也要创造知识。 这就需要由 学者型老师组成教工队伍。 靠死记硬背和做练习来学习的方法变为德国式的讲解方法。 德国式的讲解就是由教授讲授自己的研究课题。 通过研究生性质的学习可以获得表明最高学 术造诣的古老的德国学位--博士学位。

随着讨论课制度的建立，研究生们学会了提问、分 析以及开展他们自己的研究。 同时，新式大学学校规模和课程设置完全突破了过去那种只 有数学、经典著作、美学和音乐的狭窄课程表。 哈佛大学的校长率先推出选课制度，这样 学生们就能选择自己的专业。主修领域的概念也出现了。新的目标是使大学对实际社会更有 用。

密切关注着社会上的实际需求，新的大学着意培养学生解决问题的能力。 工程系学生

成为新式教育体制下最典型的学生。学生们还被培训成为经济学家、建筑师、农学家、社会 工作人员以及教师。

>19 Children's Numerical Skills

People appear to be born to compute. The numerical skills of children develop so early and so inexorably that it is easy to

imagine an internal clock of mathematical maturity guiding their growth. Not long after learning to walk and talk, they can t

the table with impressive accuracy-- one knife, one spoon, one fork, for each of the five chairs. Soon they are capable of

noting that they have placed five knives, spoons and forks on the table and, a bit later, that this amounts to fifteen pieces of

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silverware. Having thus mastered addition, they move on to subtraction. It ems almost reasonable to expect that if a

child were cluded on a dert island at birth and retrieved ven years later, he or she could enter a cond-grade

mathematics class without any rious problems of intellectual adjustment.

Of cour, the truth is not so simple. This century, the work of cognitive psychologists has illuminated the subtle forms of

daily learning on which intellectual progress depends. Children were obrved as they slowly grasped -- or, as the ca

might be, bumped into -- concepts that adults take for granted, as they refud, for instance, to concede that quantity is

unchanged as water pours from a short stout glass into a tall thin one.

Psychologists have since demonstrated that young children, asked to count the pencils in a pile, readily report the number of

blue or red pencils, but must be coaxed into finding the total. Such studies have suggested that the rudiments of mathematics are mastered gradually, and with effort. They have also suggested that the very concept of abstract numbers - the idea of a oneness, a twoness, a threeness that applies to any class of objects and is a prerequisite for

doing anything more mathematically demanding than tting a table - is itlf far from innate.

儿童的数学能力

人似乎生来就会计算。 孩子们使用数字的技能发展得如此之早和如此必然，很容易让 人想象有一个内在的精确而成熟的数字钟在指导他们的成长。

孩子们在学会走路和说话后 不久，就能以令人惊叹的准确布置桌子--五把椅子前面分别摆上一把刀、一个汤匙、一把叉子。 很快地，他们就能知道他们已在桌面上摆放了五把刀、五个汤匙、五把叉子。 没有多 久，他们就又能知道这些东西加起来总共是 15 把银餐具。

如此这般地掌握了加法之后，他 们又转向减法。 有一种设想几乎顺理成章，那就是，即使一个孩子一出生就被隔绝到荒岛上，七年后返回世间，也能直接上小学二年级的数学课，而不会碰到任何智力调整方面的大 麻烦。当然，事实并没有这么简单。

本世纪认知心理学家的工作已经揭示了智力发展所依 赖的日常学习的微妙形式。 他们观察到孩子们缓慢掌握那些成年人认为理所当然的概念的 过程，或者是孩子们偶然遇到这些概念的过程。 他们也观察到孩子们拒绝承认某些常识的 情况。 比如： 孩子们拒绝承认当水从短而粗的瓶中倒入细而长的瓶子中时，水的数量没有 变化。 心理学家们而后又展示一个例子， 即：让孩子们数一堆铅笔时，他们能顺利地报出 蓝铅笔或红铅笔的数目，但却需诱导才能报出总的数目。 此类研究表明：数学基础是经过 逐渐努力后掌握的。

他们还表示抽象的数字概念，如可表示任何一类物品并且是在做比摆 桌子有更高数学要求的任何事时都必备的一、二、三意识，远远不是天生就具备的。

>20 The Historical Significance of American Revolution

The ways of history are so intricate and the motivations of human actions so complex that it is always hazardous to attempt to

reprent events covering a number of years, a multiplicity of persons, and distant localities as the expression of one

intellectual or social movement; yet the historical process which culminated in the ascent of Thomas Jefferson to the

presidency can be regarded as the outstanding example not only of the birth of a new way of life but of nationalism as a new

way of life. The American Revolution reprents the link between the venteenth century, in which modern England

became conscious of itlf, and the awakening of modern Europe at the end of the eighteenth century. It may em strange

that the march of history should have had to cross the Atlantic Ocean, but only in the North American colonies could a

struggle for civic liberty lead also to the foundation of a new nation.

Here, in the popular rising against a "tyrannical" government, the fruits were more than the curing of a freer constitution.

They included the growth of a nation born in liberty by the will of the people, not from the roots of common descent, a

geographic entity, or the ambitions of king or dynasty. With the American nation, for the first time, a nation was born,

not in the dim past of history but before the eyes of the whole world.

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美国革命的历史意义 历史的进程是如此错综复杂，人类行为的动机是如此令人费解，以至于想把那些时间跨度大，涉及人数多，空间范围广的事件描述成为一个智者或一场社会运动的表现的企图是危 险的。 然而以托马斯·杰弗逊登上总统宝座为高潮的那一段历史过程可以被视为一个特殊 的例子。

在这段历史时期里不仅诞生了新的生活方式，而且民族主义成为了一种新的生活 方式。 美国独立战争成为联结 17

世纪现代英格兰的自我意识和 18 世纪末现代欧洲的觉醒 的纽带。 历史的行程需要跨越大西洋，这看起来似乎有些奇怪，但却只有在北美殖民地为 民权和自由的斗争才能导致新国家的建立。

这里，反对"暴政"的民众起义的成果不仅是获 得一个包含更多自由的宪法，还包括了一个依照人民的意愿诞生在自由中的国家的成长。这 个国家不是基于血缘、地理、君主或王朝的野心。 由于有了美国，第一次一个国家的诞生

不是发生在历史模糊的过去，而是在全世界人们的眼前。

>21 The Origin of Sports

When did sport begin? If sport is, in esnce, play, the claim might be made that sport is much older than humankind, for, as we all have obrved, the beasts play. Dogs and cats wrestle and play ball games.

Fishes and birds dance. The apes have simple, pleasurable games. Frolicking infants, school children playing

tag, and adult arm wrestlers are demonstrating strong, transgenerational and transspecies bonds with the univer of animals - past, prent, and future. Young animals, particularly, tumble, cha, run, wrestle, mock, imitate, and laugh(or so it ems)

to the point of delighted exhaustion. Their play, and ours, appears to rve no other purpo than to give pleasure to the

players, and apparently, to remove us temporarily from the anguish of life in earnest.

Some philosophers have claimed that our playfulness is the most noble part of our basic nature. In their generous conceptions, play harmlessly and experimentally permits us to put our creative forces, fantasy, and imagination into

action. Play is relea from the tedious battles against scarcity and decline which are the incessant, and inevitable, tragedies

of life. This is a grand conception that excites and provokes. The holders of this view claim that the origins of our highest

accomplishments - liturgy, literature, and law- can be traced to a play impul which, paradoxically, we e most purely

enjoyed by young beasts and children. Our sports, in this rather happy, nonfatalistic view of human nature, are

more splendid creations of the nondatable, transspecies play impul.

体育的起源 体育运动开始于何时?如果体育运动的本质就是游戏的话，我们就可以宣称体育运动比

人类古老，因为正如我们所观察到的，野兽也进行嬉戏。 狗和猫会扭抱玩球，鱼和鸟翩翩 起舞，猿类会进行一些简单的、愉快的游戏。

雀跃的幼儿，捉迷藏的学童和成年摔跤者展 示出人与动物界的有力的跨越世代与物种的永恒的联系--特别是幼兽，它们翻筋斗、追逐、 奔跑、扭打、模仿、嬉笑(或者看起来是)，直到愉快地精疲力尽。 他们的玩耍，同我们的

一样，似乎并没有别的目的而只是给游戏者以愉悦，暂时把我们从严肃生活的痛苦中拉出来。 一些哲学家称我们的嬉戏是我们本质中最崇高的部分。

依他们这些随意性很大的见解，游 戏无害而且实验性地允许我们的创造力、幻想和想象发挥作用。 游戏让人们从永不间断亦不可避免的生活悲剧-与乏匮和衰退进行的枯燥抗争中得到一种解脱。 这是一个令人兴奋、 给人启发的伟大见解。

这种见解的持有者宣称，我们的最高成就如宗教典礼、文学、法律 的起源可以追溯到游戏的冲动。 但令人不解的是我们看到只有幼兽和小孩子才最纯粹地享受着这种冲动。 从这种比较豁达和非宿命的人性观来看，我们的运动是超时代、跨物种的 辉煌的创造。

>22 Collectibles

Collectibles have been a part of almost every culture since ancient times. Whereas some objects have been collected for

their ufulness, others have been lected for their aesthetic beauty alone. In the United States, the kinds

of collectibles currently popular range from traditional objects such as stamps, coins, rare books, and art to more

recent items of interest like dolls, bottles, baball cards, and comic books.

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Interest in collectibles has incread enormously during the past decade, in part becau some collectibles have

demonstrated their value as investments. Especially during cycles of high inflation, investors try to purcha

tangibles that will at least retain their current market values. In general, the most traditional collectibles will be sought

becau they have prerved their value over the years, there is an organized auction market for them, and they are most

easily sold in the event that cash is needed. Some examples of the most stable collectibles are old masters, Chine

ceramics, stamps, coins, rare books, antique jewelry, silver, porcelain, art by well-known artists, autographs, and period

furniture. Other items of more recent interest include old photograph records, old magazines, post cards,

baball cards, art glass, dolls, classic cars, old bottles, and comic books. The relatively new kinds of

collectibles may actually appreciate faster as short-term investments, but may not hold their value as long-term investments.

Once a collectible has had its initial play, it appreciates at a fairly steady rate, supported by an

increasing number of enthusiastic collectors competing for the limited supply of collectibles that become increasingly

more difficult to locate.

收藏品

从古代开始，收藏品就是文化的一部分。 一些物品因它们的有用性被收藏，而另一些 则纯粹因为它们的美被收藏。

在美国，当今流行的收藏品种类从传统物件，如邮票、硬币、 珍本书籍、艺术品，到更近期一些的有趣的东西，如布娃娃、瓶子、垒球卡、连环漫画册。

对收藏品的兴趣在过去十年中大大地增长，部分原因是一些收藏品显示出了它们的投资价 值。 尤其在高通货膨胀时期，投资者尽量购买那些至少会保持他们现有市场价值的有形资 产。 一般来说，最传统的收藏品受青睐，因为它们多年后仍保持其价值。

它们拥有完善的 拍卖市场，在需要现金的时候最容易被卖掉。 一些最稳当的收藏品是古老的画作、中国陶 器、邮票、硬币、珍本书籍、古代珠宝、银器、瓷器、著名艺术家的作品、亲笔签名和有时 代特征的家具。 其它更近期的物品有旧唱片、旧杂志、明信片、垒球卡片、彩色玻璃、布 娃娃、早期汽车、古瓶和连环画册。 作为短期投资这些相对说来较新颖的收藏品的确可能 更快地增值，但作为长期投资则可能不能保值。 一旦一件收藏品有了它第一次交易，它便 以一个相当稳定的比率增值，这个增值率受到越来越多的热情的收藏者的支持，他们为有限 的而且越来越难找到的收藏品而竞争。

>23 Henry Ford

Although Henry Ford's name is cloly associated with the concept of mass production, he should receive equal credit

for introducing labor practices as early as 1913 that would be considered advanced even by today's

standards. Safety measures were improved, and the work day was reduced to eight hours, compared with the ten-or

twelve-hour day common at the time. In order to accommodate the shorter work day, the entire factory was converted

from two to three addition, sick leaves as well as improved medical care for tho injured on the job were instituted.

The Ford Motor Company was one of the first factories to develop a technical school to train specialized skilled laborers and an English language school for immigrants. Some efforts were even made to hire the handicapped and provide jobs

for former convicts.

The most widely acclaimed innovation was the five-dollar-a-day minimum wage that was offered in order to recruit and

retain the best mechanics and to discourage the growth of labor unions. Ford explained the new wage policy in terms of

efficiency and profit sharing. He also mentioned the fact that his employees would be able to purcha the automobiles

that they produced -- in effect creating a market for the product. In order to qualify for the minimum wage, an employee

had to establish a decent home and demonstrate good personal habits, including sobriety, thriftiness, industriousness,

and dependability. Although some criticism was directed at Ford for involving himlf too much in the personal lives of his

employees, there can be no doubt that, at a time when immigrants were being taken advantage of in frightful ways, Henry

Ford was helping many people to establish themlves in America.

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亨利·福特 尽管亨利·福特的名字和大生产的概念相连，但他在劳工保护上得到同样的赞誉，因为

他早在 1913 年便实行了用今天的标准来衡量依然是先进的标准。 安全措施得到改进，日工 作时间从当时普遍的 10

或 12 小时减少到 8 小时。

为了适应更短的日工作时间，整个工厂 从双班变成了三班。而且，病假和改善了的工伤医疗得以制度化。 福特汽车公司是最早建立技术学校来培训专门技工和为移民开设英语学校的工厂之一。 公司甚至为雇佣残疾人和 有前科的人而作出了一些努力。最受广泛称赞的革新是实行五美元一天的最低工资。 其目 的是招收和留住那些最好的技工并阻碍工会的发展。

福特从效率和利润分享的角度来解释 这项新的工资政策。 他也提到这样一个事实，他的员工可以买他们生产的汽车--这实际上 是为其产品另开辟了一个市场。

为了够资格得到最低工资，员工必须建立一个得体的家庭 并显示出良好的个人习惯，包括节制、俭省、勤勉和可靠。

虽然有人批评福特过多地干涉 了员工的私人生活，但毫无疑问，在移民们被用恶劣的方式剥削的时代，亨利·福特却帮助 了许多人在美国扎下根来。

>24 Piano

The ancestry of the piano can be traced to the early keyboard instruments of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries -- the

spinet, the dulcimer, and the virginal. In the venteenth century the organ, the clavichord, and the harpsichord became the

chief instruments of the keyboard group, a supremacy they maintained until the piano supplanted them at the end of

the eighteenth century. The clavichord's tone was metallic and never powerful; nevertheless, becau of the variety of

tone possible to it, many compors found the clavichord a sympathetic instrument for intimate chamber music. The

harpsichord with its bright, vigorous tone was the favorite instrument for supporting the bass of the small

orchestra of the period and for concert u, but the character of the tone could not be varied save by mechanical or

structural devices.

The piano was perfected in the early eighteenth century by a harpsichord maker in Italy(though

musicologists point out veral previous instances of the instrument). This instrument was called a

piano e forte (soft and loud), to indicate its dynamic versatility; its strings were struck by a recoiling hammer with a

felt-padded head. The wires were much heavier in the earlier instruments. A ries of mechanical

improvements continuing well into the nineteenth century, including the introduction of pedals to

sustain tone or to soften it, the perfection of a metal frame, and steel wire of the finest quality, finally produced

an instrument capable of myriad tonal effects from the most delicate harmonies to an almost orchestral fullness of sound,

from a liquid, singing tone to a sharp, percussive brilliance.

钢琴

钢琴的家系可以追溯至 15 至 16 世纪早期的键盘乐器，包括小型拨弦琴、洋琴和维金娜 琴。 17 世纪时风琴、敲弦琴和拨弦琴成为键盘乐器类的主要成员。 这种至高无上的地位 一直为它们所保持，直到 18 世纪末期钢琴将它们取代。

敲弦古钢琴的音调有金属的音质， 缺乏雄劲。 然而由于它的音调变化多，许多作曲家发现对于亲切的室内乐是一种得体的乐 器。

人们最喜欢用具备明快有力音调的拨弦古钢琴来配合当时小型管弦乐团的低音乐器以 及在演奏会上演奏。 但它的音调难以变化，除非使用机械或构件装置。18世纪早期的意大 利，钢琴在一位拨琴钢琴制造者手中得到完善(尽管音乐理论家们指出有更早的例子)。 这 种乐器被称为 piano eforte (意大利语，柔和而响亮的)，以显示它有力的多样性。 演奏者用 一个头部带皮毡的弹击乐锤敲击琴弦。 更早的这种乐器之上的金属丝要重得多。 从此，持 续到 19

世纪的一系列机械上的改进，包括引入踏板以维持音调或使其柔和，改善金属框架， 以及使用最佳性能的钢丝，最终产生了一种具备无数音调效果的乐器。 这些效果涵盖了从 最精致的和声到几乎全部的管弦乐音响，从明快流畅的吟唱的音调到尖锐的打击乐器的清晰 动人的恢宏气势。

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>25 Movie Music

Accustomed though we are to speaking of the films made before 1927 as "silent", the film has never been, in the full

n of the word, silent. From the very beginning, music was regarded as an indispensable accompaniment; when the

Lumiere films were shown at the first public film exhibition in the United States in February 1896, they were accompanied by

piano improvisations on popular tunes. At first, the music played bore no special relationship to the films; an

accompaniment of any kind was sufficient. Within a very short time, however, the incongruity of playing lively music

to a solemn film became apparent, and film pianists began to take some care in matching their pieces to the mood of the film.

As movie theaters grew in number and importance, a violinist, and perhaps a cellist, would be added to the pianist in

certain cas, and in the larger movie theaters small orchestras were formed. For a number of years the lection of music

for each film program rested entirely in the hands of the conductor or leader of the orchestra, and very often the principal

qualification for holding such a position was not skill or taste so much as the ownership of a large personal library of

musical pieces. Since the conductor ldom saw the films until the night before they were to be shown (if indeed, the

conductor was lucky enough to e them then), the musical arrangement was normally improvid in the greatest hurry.

To help meet this difficulty, film distributing companies started the practice of publishing suggestions for musical

accompaniments. In 1909, for example, the Edison Company began issuing with their films such indications of mood as

"pleasant", "sad", "lively". The suggestions became more explicit, and so emerged the musical cue sheet containing

indications of mood, the titles of suitable pieces of music, and preci directions to show where one piece led into the

n films had music especially compod for them. The most famous of the early special scores was that compod and arranged for D. W. Griffith's film Birth of a Nation, which was relead in 1915.

电影插曲

尽管我们习惯于将 1927 年以前的电影称为"无声电影"，但是就无声这个词完整的意义 上来说，电影从未真正的无声过，从最初开始音乐就被视为必不可少的伴奏。 当卢米埃尔 的电影在 1896 年 2 月美国首届影片公映展览上放映的时候，影片便用当时的流行曲临场钢 琴伴奏。 最初，这些音乐伴奏与电影没有什么特别的关系，用什么曲子伴奏都行。 但在很 短的时间内，为一部庄重的影片演奏快活的音乐所产生的不协调感变得显而易见，因此钢琴 家们开始注意将自己的作品与影片的情调结合起来。

随着影剧院在数量上与重要性上的不 断增长，在一些场合，除了钢琴师外，还要加上小提琴师，或许还有一位大提琴师。 较大的影剧院里还组成了小型的管弦乐队。 在很长的时间内，为各部影片选择配乐完全掌握在乐队指挥或队长手中，而通常把持这种职位的资格不是技巧或鉴赏品味，而是拥有一个大的 音乐作品的个人收藏。

因为直到电影上映的前一天晚上乐队指挥才能看到影片(如果这个指 挥真正有幸能够看到影片的话)，音乐安排通常是在非常匆忙的情况下临场进行的。为了解决以上的困难，电影发行公司开办了为音乐伴奏印制提示单的业务。 例如 1909 年爱迪生公司开始将一些诸如"喜悦的"、"悲伤的"、"活泼的"之类表明影片情调特征的提示与影片一起 发行。

这些提示逐渐变得更加具体，并且出现了包括影片情调说明、适用乐曲名称和乐曲 转换点等内容的配乐说明单。 某些影片拥有专门为其创作的音乐。 这些早期特创乐谱中最 著名的便是为 D. W. 格雷夫斯 1915 年上映的影片《一个国家的诞生》所创作的音乐。

>26 International Business and Cross-cultural Communication

The increa in international business and in foreign investment has created a need for executives with knowledge of foreign languages and skills in cross-cultural communication. Americans, however, have not been well trained in either area and, conquently, have not enjoyed the same level of success in negotiation in an international arena as

have their foreign counterparts.

Negotiating is the process of communicating back and forth for the purpo of reaching an agreement. It involves persuasion

and compromi, but in order to participate in either one, the negotiators must understand the ways in which people

are persuaded and how compromi is reached within the culture of the many international business

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negotiations abroad, Americans are perceived as wealthy and impersonal. It often appears to the foreign

negotiator that the American reprents a large multi-million-dollar corporation that can afford to pay the price

without bargaining further.

The American negotiator's role becomes that of an impersonal purveyor of information and studies of American

negotiators abroad, veral traits have been identified that may rve to confirm this stereotypical perception, while

undermining the negotiator's position. Two traits in particular that cau cross-cultural misunderstanding are directness and

impatience on the part of the American negotiator. Furthermore, American negotiators often insist on

realizing short-term goals. Foreign negotiators, on the other hand, may value the relationship established between

negotiators and may be willing to invest time in it for long-term benefits. In order to solidify the relationship, they

may opt for indirect interactions without regard for the time involved in getting to know the other negotiator.

Clearly, perceptions and differences in values affect the outcomes of negotiations and the success of negotiators. For Americans to play a more effective role in international business negotiations, they must put forth more effort

to improve cross-cultural understanding.

国际商业和跨文化交流 国际贸易和海外投资的增加产生了对具有外语知识和跨文化交 流技巧的经理的需求。

然而，美国人在这两方面未得到良好的训练，因此没有在国际谈判 中象他们的外国对手一样成功。 谈判是为了达成协议而反复交流的过程。 它包括说服和妥 协。但是为了去进行说服和妥协，谈判者必须懂得在谈判的文化中怎样说服人和怎样达成 妥协。 在国外的国际商务谈判中，美国人被视为富有和不带个人情感。

在外国谈判者看来， 似乎美国人代表着一个庞大的拥有数百万资财的大企业，不用进一步地讨价还价就能出得起 价钱。

美国谈判者的角色变成了一个没有个人感情的信息及现金的供应者。 对在国外的美国谈判者的研究中，我们找出了损害谈判者能力的几个特点，或许证实这个已成定式的看法。 尤其引起跨文化误解的两个特点是美国谈判者的直截了当和缺乏耐心。

此外，美国谈判者经常坚持实现短期目标，而外国的谈判者会珍视建立谈判者之间的联系并愿意为长期利益投 入时间。 为了巩固这种联系，他们会选择非直接的交流而不计较投入用于了解对方的时间。 明显地，价值观的不同和理解上的差异影响了谈判的结果和谈判者的成功与否。美国人要 在国际商务谈判中扮演更为有效的角色，他们就必须投入更多的努力提高跨文化的理解力。

>27 Scientific Theories

In science, a theory is a reasonable explanation of obrved events that are related. A theory often involves an imaginary

model that helps scientists picture the way an obrved event could be produced. A good example of this is found in the

kinetic molecular theory, in which gas are pictured as being made up of many small particles that are in constant motion.

A uful theory, in addition to explaining past obrvations, helps to predict events that have not as yet been obrved. After

a theory has been publicized, scientists design experiments to test the theory. If obrvations confirm the scientists'

predictions, the theory is supported. If obrvations do not confirm the predictions, the scientists must arch further.

There may be a fault in the experiment, or the theory may have to be revid or rejected.

Science involves imagination and creative thinking as well as collecting information and performing experiments.

Facts by themlves are not science. As the mathematician Jules Henri Poincare said,"Science is built with facts just as a

hou is built with bricks, but a collection of facts cannot be called science any more than a pile of bricks can

be called a hou." Most scientists start an investigation by finding out what other scientists have learned about a particular

problem. After known facts have been gathered, the scientist comes to the part of the investigation that requires considerable

imagination. Possible solutions to the problem are formulated. The possible solutions are called hypothes.

In a way, any hypothesis is a leap into the unknown. It extends the scientist's thinking beyond the known facts. The

scientist plans experiments, performs calculations, and makes obrvations to test hypothes. Without hypothesis, further

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investigation lacks purpo and direction. When hypothes are confirmed, they are incorporated into theories.

科学理论

在科学中，理论是对所观察到的相关事件的合理解释。 理论通常包含一个虚构的模型，这个模型帮助科学家构想所观察到的事件是如何发生的。 分子运动理论便是我们能找到的 一个很好的例子。 在这个理论中，气体被描绘成由许多不断运动的小颗粒组成。 一个有用 的理论，除了能够解释过去的观测，还有助于预测那些未被观测到的事件。

一个理论公开 后，科学家们设计实验来检验这个理论。 如果观察证实了科学家的预言，这个理论则得到 了验证。 如果观察不能证实科学家的预言，科学家就必须进一步的研究。

或许是实验存在 错误，或许是这个理论必须被修改或抛弃。 科学家除了收集信息和操作实验外还需要想象 能力和创/造性思维。 事实本身并不是科学。 正如数学家乔斯·亨利·波恩克尔所说："科 学建立在事实之上，就像房子用砖砌成一样。 但事实的收集不能被称作科学，就像一堆砖 不能被叫作房子一样。

"多数科学家通过找出别的科学家在一个特定问题上的所知来开始研 究。在收集了已知事实之后，科学家开始了研究中需要相当想像力的部分。 他们尔后拟订对这个问题的可行的解决方法。这些可行的解决方式被称为假设。 在某种意义上，任何假设都是向未知的跳跃。它使科学家的思维超越已知事实。科学家计划实验、计算、观测以检 验假定。若没有假设，进一步的研究便缺乏目的和方向。当假设被证实了，就成为理论的 一部分。

>28 Changing Roles of Public Education

One of the most important social developments that helped to make possible a shift in thinking about the role of public

education was the effect of the baby boom of the 1950's and 1960's on the schools. In the 1920's, but especially in the

Depression conditions of the 1930's, the United States experienced a declining birth rate -- every thousand women aged

fifteen to forty-four gave birth to about 118 live children in 1920，89.2 in 1930，75.8 in 1936, and 80 in 1940. With the

growing prosperity brought on by the Second World War and the economic boom that followed it young people married

and established houholds earlier and began to rai larger families than had their predecessors during the

Depression. Birth rates ro to 102 per thousand in 1946, 106.2 in 1950, and 118 in 1955. Although economics was

probably the most important determinant, it is not the only explanation for the baby boom. The incread value placed

on the idea of the family also helps to explain this ri in birth rates. The baby boomers began streaming into the first grade by

the mid 1940's and became a flood by 1950. The public school system suddenly found itlf overtaxed. While the number of

schoolchildren ro becau of wartime and postwar conditions, the same conditions made the schools even less prepared to

cope with the flood. The wartime economy meant that few new schools were built between 1940 and 1945. Moreover,

during the war and in the boom times that followed, large numbers of teachers left their profession for better-paying

jobs elwhere in the economy.

Therefore in the 1950's and 1960's, the baby boom hit an antiquated and inadequate school system. Conquently, the

"custodial rhetoric"of the 1930's and early 1940's no longer made n that is, keeping youths aged sixteen and older out

of the labor market by keeping them in school could no longer be a high priority for an institution unable to find

space and staff to teach younger children aged five to sixteen. With the baby boom, the focus of educators and of laymen

interested in education inevitably turned toward the lower grades and back to basic academic skills and discipline.

The system no longer had much interest in offering nontraditional, new, and extra rvices to older youths.

公共教育的角色变化 一项重要的、有可能促使人们对公共教育的角色的看法发生转变的社会发展是本世纪五

六十年代的生育高峰对学校的影响。 在 20 年代，尤其是在 30 年代后的大萧条中，美国经 历了一次出生率的下降--1920 年每千名年龄在 15 岁至 45 岁的妇女生下大约 118 个存活婴儿，1930 年 89.2 个，1936 年 75.8 个，1940 年 80 个。 随着二战带来的持续繁荣以及随之而来 的经济增长，年轻人比大萧条中的同龄人更早地结婚成家，而且比前辈养育更大的家庭。

1946 年出生率上升到 102%，1950 年达 106%，1955 年达 118%。 对于生育高峰，经济有可能是最重要的决定因《写作160篇》全面涵盖当年可考话题，经典话题精心选材，

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素，但它并不是唯一的解释。 不断受到重视的家庭观念也有助于解释 出生率的上升。 到 40 年代中期为止，这些生育高峰出生的孩子们开始源源不断地进入小学 一年级。 到了 1950 年，就形成了一股洪流。 公共教育系统突然感到不堪重负了。

由于战 时和战后的状况，使得学龄儿童人数增加，这些状况使得学校面对这股洪流更加措手不及。 战时经济意味着在 1940 年到 1950 年间几乎没有建立新学校。 而且，在战时和随后的经济 增长时期，大量的教师离开岗位去别处从事报酬更为优厚的工作。 因此，在五六十年代， 生育高峰冲击着陈旧而不完备的学校体系。 这样一来，30 年代以及 40 年代早期，"监护理 论"就不再有意义了。 也就是说，通过使 16 岁以上的年轻人留在学校不进入劳动力市场的 做法再也不是教育机构的优先考虑了。 因为教育机构不再能找到场地和教师来教育那些更 小的 5-16

岁的孩子。 随着生育高峰，教育者和圈外人士对教育的兴趣和焦点，不可避免地 转向了更低的年级和基础的学术技能和学科上。这个系统不再有浓厚的兴趣给较年长的年 轻人提供非传统的新式的和额外的服务。

>29 Telecommuting

Telecommuting -- substituting the computer for the trip to the job -- has been hailed as a solution to all kinds of

problems related to office workers it promis freedom from the office, less time wasted in traffic, and help with

child-care conflicts. For management, telecommuting helps keep high performers on board, minimizes tardiness and

abnteeism by eliminating commutes, allows periods of solitude for high-concentration tasks, and provides scheduling

some areas, such as Southern California and Seattle, Washington, local governments are encouraging companies

to start telecommuting programs in order to reduce rush-hour congestion and improve air the benefits do not

come easily. Making a telecommuting program work requires careful planning and an understanding of the

differences between telecommuting realities and popular images.

Many workers are duced by rosy illusions of life as a telecommuter. A computer programmer from

New York City moves to the tranquil Adirondack Mountains and stays in contact with her office via computer. A

manager comes in to his office three days a week and works at home the other two. An accountant stays home to care for

her sick child; she hooks up her telephone modem connections and does office work between calls to the doctor.

The are powerful images, but they are a limited reflection of reality. Telecommuting workers soon

learn that it is almost impossible to concentrate on work and care for a young child at the same time. Before a certain age, young children cannot recognize, much less respect, the necessary boundaries between work and family.

Additional child support is necessary if the parent is to get any work ment too must parate the myth from

the reality. Although the media has paid a great deal of attention to telecommuting in most cas it is the

employee's situation, not the availability of technology that precipitates a telecommuting is partly

why, despite the widespread press coverage, the number of companies with work-at-home programs or policy guidelines

remains small.

电子交通

电子交通--用电脑取代上班的往返--作为对各种各样的办公室工作问题的解决办法已受 到了欢迎。对工作者来说，它承诺不受办公室的约束，更少的时间浪费在交通上和有助于 解决照看小孩的矛盾。 对管理者来说，电子交通有助于挽留高效率的工作者，通过省去办 公室与家之间的来回往返，大大减少工作拖拉和旷工，给予管理者独处的时间来完成需要高

度集中精神的任务，为管理者提供灵活的时间安排。 在一些地区，如南加利福尼亚和西雅 图、华盛顿，地方政府鼓励公司开始电子交通计划以减少交通高峰时的塞车和提高空气质量。 但这些益处也来之不易。 要使电子交通成功需要仔细的计划并且理解电子交通的现实状况 和流行的想象之间的区别。 许多工作者被电子交通的美好幻想所迷惑。 一位电脑程序设计 员从纽约市搬到了宁静的阿第伦达克山，用电脑保持与她办公室之间的联系。 一位经理一

周三天到办公室，其他两天在家工作；一位会计师在家照顾她生病的孩子，接通电话调制解 调器的接头，在同医生通话之余完成办公室工作。

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这些是很有震撼力的情景，但也是对现 实有限的反映。 电子交通者很快发现在同一时间专注工作和照看小孩几乎是不可能的。 在 某个年龄之前，小孩子不可能意识到，更不可能尊重工作与家庭之间的界限。 如果家长要 完成工作，就必须另外照看小孩。 管理阶层必须把现实同神话分开。 虽然传媒对电子交通 投入了极大的关注，但在很大程度上，是员工的实际情况而不是技术的可能性促成电子交通 的安排。这就是为什么尽管有广泛的报导，具有在家工作项目或行动纲领的公司数目依然 很少的部分原因。

>30 The Origin of Refrigerators

By the mid-nineteenth century, the term"icebox"had entered the American language, but ice was still only beginning to

affect the diet of ordinary citizens in the United States. The ice trade grew with the growth of cities. Ice was ud in hotels,

taverns, and hospitals, and by some forward-looking city dealers in fresh meat, fresh fish, and

butter. After the Civil War(1861-1865), as ice was ud to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into houhold u.

Even before 1880, half the ice sold in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one-third of that sold in Boston and

Chicago, went to families for their own u. This had become possible becau a new houhold convenience, the

icebox, a precursor of the modern refrigerator, had been invented.

Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as we might now suppo. In the early nineteenth century, the knowledge of the

physics of heat, which was esntial to a science of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonn notion that the best

icebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was of cour mistaken, for it was the melting of the ice that

performed the cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts to economize ice included wrapping the ice in blankets, which kept

the ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth century did inventors achieve the delicate balance of

insulation and circulation needed for an efficient icebox.

But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been on the right track. He owned a farm about

twenty miles outside the city of Washington, for which the village of Georgetown was the market center. When he ud an

icebox of his own design to transport his butter to market, he found that customers would pass up the rapidly melting stuff

in the tubs of his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter, still fresh and hard in neat, one-pound bricks. One

advantage of his icebox, more explained, was that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in order to

keep their produce cool.

冰箱的由来

直到 19 世纪中期，"冰箱"这个名词才进入了美国语言，但冰仅仅只是开始影响美国普 通市民的饮食。冰的买卖随着城市的发展而发展。

冰被用在旅馆、酒馆、医院以及被一些 有眼光的城市商人用于肉、鱼和黄油的保鲜。 内战(1861-1865)之后，冰被用于冷藏货车， 同时也进入了民用。 甚至在 1880 年前，半数在纽约、费城和巴尔的摩销售的冰，三分之一

在波士顿和芝加哥销售的冰进入家庭使用，因为一种新的家庭设备，冰箱，即现代冰箱的前 身，被发明了。 制造一台有效率的冰箱不像我们想象的那么简单。 19 世纪早期，关于对 冷藏科学至关重要的热物理知识是很浅陋的。

认为最好的冰箱应该防止冰的融化这样一个 普遍的观点显然是错误的，因为正是冰的融化起了制冷作用。 早期为节省冰的努力，包括 用毯子把冰包起来，使得冰不能发挥它的作用。 直到近 19 世纪末，发明家们才成功地找到 有效率的冰箱所需要的精确的隔热和循环的精确平衡。 但早在 1803 年，一位有发明天才的 马里兰农场主，托马斯·莫尔，找到了正确方法。 他拥有一个农场，离华盛顿约 20 英里， 那里的乔治镇村庄是集市中心。

当他用自己设计的冰箱运送黄油去市场时，他发现顾客们 会走过装在竞争者桶里那些迅速融化的黄油而给他比市价更高的价格买他仍然新鲜坚硬，整 齐地切成一磅一块的黄油。 莫尔说他的冰箱的一个好处是使得农民们不必在夜里上路去市 场以保持他们产品的低温。

>31 British Columbia

British Columbia is the third largest Canadian province, both in area and population. It is nearly 1.5 times as large

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as Texas, and extends 800 miles (1,280km) north from the United States border. It includes Canada's entire west coast

and the islands just off the of British Columbia is mountainous, with long rugged ranges running north and south.

Even the coastal islands are the remains of a mountain range that existed thousands of years ago. During the last Ice Age, this

range was scoured by glaciers until most of it was beneath the a. Its peaks now show as islands scattered along the

southwestern coastal region has a humid mild marine climate. Sea winds that blow inland from the west are warmed by a current of warm water that flows through the Pacific Ocean. As a result, winter temperatures average above freezing and summers are mild. The warm western winds also carry moisture from the ocean.

Inland from the coast, the winds from the Pacific meet the mountain barriers of the coastal ranges and the Rocky Mountains.

As they ri to cross the mountains, the winds are cooled, and their moisture begins to fall as rain. On some of the western

slopes almost 200 inches (500cm) of rain fall each year.

More than half of British Columbia is heavily forested. On mountain slopes that receive plentiful rainfall, huge Douglas

firs ri in towering columns. The forest giants often grow to be as much as 300 feet (90m) tall, with diameters up to 10

feet (3m). More lumber is produced from the trees than from any other kind of tree in North America. Hemlock, red cedar,

and balsam fir are among the other trees found in British Columbia.

英属哥伦比亚

英属哥伦比亚是加拿大的第三大省，无论是面积还是人口都是如此。 它几乎是德克萨 斯的 1.5 倍，从美国边境一直向北延伸了 800 英里(1，280 公里)。 它包括了加拿大整个西 海岸及附近岛屿。 大部分英属哥伦比亚多山峦。

绵长而粗犷的山脉贯通南北。 甚至那些 沿海的岛屿都是那些存在于千万年前的山脉的遗迹。 在上一个冰河时期，这些山脉被冰河 冲刷侵蚀，直到大部分山脉被淹没在海中。

它们的峰顶显现为沿着海岸散布的岛屿。 西南 海岸地区有着潮湿温和的海洋性气候。 从太平洋来的温暖的洋流使得从西吹过内陆的海风 变得温暖。 因此这儿冬天平均气温在零上而且夏天也不会酷热。 这些温暖的西风同样也从

海洋带来了湿气。 来自太平洋的、从海岸向内陆的风遇到海岸山脉和落基山脉这些山脉屏 障。 当气流升高跨越这些山脉时，风的温度就降低了，风中的水分形成降雨。 在一些朝西 山坡区域每年大约有 200 英寸(500 厘米)的降水。 大部分英属哥伦比亚密布着森林。 在有 充足降水的斜坡，巨大的道格拉斯枞树高耸入云。 这些森林巨人常常长到高达 300 英尺(90 米)，直径粗达 10 英尺(3 米)。 这些树产出了比北美其他任何树都多的木材。 铁杉、红香

椿、香脂冷杉枞都是发现于英属哥伦比亚的其它树种。

>32 Botany

Botany, the study of plants, occupies a peculiar position in the history of human knowledge. For many thousands of

years it was the one field of awareness about which humans had anything more than the vaguest of

insights. It is impossible to know today just what our Stone Age ancestors knew about plants, but from what we can obrve

of preindustrial societies that still exist a detailed learning of plants and their properties must be extremely ancient. This is logical. Plants are the basis of the food pyramid for all living things even for other plants. They have

always been enormously important to the welfare of people not only for food, but also for clothing, weapons, tools, dyes,

medicines, shelter, and a great many other purpos. Tribes living today in the jungles of the Amazon recognize

literally hundreds of plants and know many properties of each. To them, botany, as such, has no name and is probably

not even recognized as a special branch of "knowledge"at all.

Unfortunately, the more industrialized we become the farther away we move from direct contact with plants, and the less

distinct our knowledge of botany grows. Yet everyone comes unconsciously on an amazing amount of botanical

knowledge, and few people will fail to recognize a ro, an apple, or an orchid. When our Neolithic ancestors,

living in the Middle

East about 10, 000 years ago, discovered that certain grass could be harvested and their eds planted for richer yields

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the next ason the first great step in a new association of plants and humans was taken. Grains were discovered and

from them flowed the marvel of agriculture: cultivated crops. From then on, humans would increasingly take their living

from the controlled production of a few plants, rather than getting a little here and a little there from many varieties that

grew wild - and the accumulated knowledge of tens of thousands of years of experience and intimacy with plants in the wild

would begin to fade away.

植物学

植物学，即对植物的研究，在人类知识的历史中占据了特殊的地位。 这是人类几千年 来超越模糊的认知而真正有所了解的领域之一。 我们今天不可能知道新石器时代的祖先们 对植物到底了解多少，但我们在至今仍存在的前工业化社会观察到：人类对植物及其特性的 详细了解应该是非常古老的。

这是理所当然的。 植物是其他生物甚至其他植物食物金字塔 的基础。 它们对人们的生活至关重要，不仅在食物上，而且在衣物、武器、工具、染料、 药物、住所和许许多多其他的用途上。 至今仍生活在亚马逊河丛林中的部落确实能够辨识 几百种植物并知道每一种的许多特性。 对他们来说，植物学没有专门的名称，甚至可能根 本未被认为是一种专门知识。 不幸的是，工业化的程度越高，我们距直接与植物接触就越远，我们的植物学知识的增加也就越微不足道。 然而每个人在不知不觉中拥有大量的植物 学知识，很少有人认不出玫瑰、苹果或兰花。

大约一万年前居住在中东的新时代的祖先们 发现某些草能被收获，它们的种子下一季耕种会收获更多时，人类就迈出了人和植物之间的 新关系第一大步。 谷子被发现后，农业的奇迹从此诞生：这就是可栽培的谷物。 从那时起， 人类越来越依赖少数可控制的作物生存，而不再是从众多的野生种类中这里获取一点，那里 获取一点。 这样在千万年中对于野生植物的经验和密切联系中积累起来的知识就开始消失了。

>33 Plankton

Scattered through the as of the world are billions of tons of small plants and animals called plankton. Most of the

plants and animals are too small for the human eye to e. They drift about lazily with the currents, providing a basic food for

many larger on has been described as the equivalent of the grass that grow on the dry land continents,

and the comparison is an appropriate one. In potential food value, however, plankton far outweighs that of the land

grass. One scientist has estimated that while grass of the world produce about 49 billion tons of valuable carbohydrates

each year, the a's plankton generates more than twice as e its enormous food potential, little effect was made

until recently to farm plankton as we farm grass on land. Now marine scientists have at last begun to study this

possibility, especially as the a's resources loom even more important as a means of feeding an expanding world population.

No one yet has riously suggested that "planktonburgers" may soon become popular around the world. As a possible

farmed supplementary food source, however, plankton is gaining considerable interest among marine

scientists.

One type of plankton that ems to have great harvest possibilities is a tiny shrimplike creature called krill. Growing

to two or three inches long, krill provide the major food for the great blue whale, the largest animal ever inhabit the Earth.

Realizing that this whale may grow to100 feet and weigh 150 tons at maturity, it is not surprising that each one devours

more than one ton of krill daily.

浮游生物 数十亿吨的被称为"浮游生物"的小动物、植物散布在世界的海洋中。 这些小 的动、植物大多太小而难以被人眼看到。 它们随波逐流，为许多较大的动物提供了基本的 食物。 浮游生物曾被描述为生长在大陆陆地上的各种草类的海洋对应物。 这种比喻是恰当的。 然而就潜在的食物价值而言，浮游生物远胜于草类。 一位科学家曾经估计，世界上的 草类每年生产大约 490 亿吨有用的碳水化合物，而海洋里的浮游生物每年生产的碳水化合物 多于此数的两倍。 尽管浮游生物具备巨大的食物潜能，但直到最近人们还很少象种植草类 那样付出努力养殖浮游生物。 现在，海洋科学家们至少已开始研究这种可能性。 全球人口 不断扩张，海洋资源作为食品的重要性日益突出。

现在还没有人认真说过"浮游生物汉堡" 会很快在世界上流行起来。 然而，作为一种可能养殖的补充性食物资源，《写作160篇》全面涵盖当年可考话题，经典话题精心选材，

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浮游生物正引起 了海洋科学家们相当大的兴趣。

一种似乎具有很大收获可能性的微小的虾状浮游生物被称 为鳞虾。 鳞虾长至 2～3 英寸长时即成为地球上曾居住过的最大动物--蓝鲸的主要食物。 成熟的蓝鲸可以达到 100 英尺长，150 吨重，所以每头鲸每天吞食 1 吨多的鳞虾一点也不让人 吃惊。

>34 Raising Oysters

In the past oysters were raid in much the same way as dirt farmers raid tomatoes - by transplanting them. First,

farmers lected the oyster bed, cleared the bottom of old shells and other debris, then scattered clean shells about. Next,

they "planted" fertilized oyster eggs, which within two or three weeks hatched into larvae. The larvae drifted until they

attached themlves to the clean shells on the bottom. There they remained and in time grew into baby oysters called ed

or spat. The spat grew larger by drawing in awater from which they derived microscopic particles of food. Before long,

farmers gathered the baby oysters, transplanted them in other waters to speed up their growth, then transplanted them

once more into another body of water to fatten them up.

Until recently the supply of wild oysters and tho crudely farmed were more than enough to satisfy people's

today the delectable afood is no longer available in abundance. The problem has become so rious that some oyster

beds have vanished entirely.

Fortunately, as far back as the early 1900's marine biologists realized that if new measures were not taken, oysters would

become extinct or at best a luxury food. So they t up well-equipped hatcheries and went to work. But

they did not have the proper equipment or the skill to handle the eggs. They did not know when, what, and how to feed the

larvae. And they knew little about the predators that attack and eat baby oysters by the millions. They failed, but they

doggedly kept at it. Finally, in the 1940's a significant breakthrough was made.

The marine biologists discovered that by raising the temperature of the water, they could induce oysters to spawn not

only in the summer but also in the fall, winter, and spring. Later they developed a technique for feeding the larvae and

rearing them to spat. Going still further, they succeeded in breeding new strains that were resistant to dias, grew faster and

larger, and flourished in water of different salinities and temperatures. In addition, the cultivated oysters tasted better!

饲养牡蛎

过去人们饲养牡蛎的方式很大程度上类似于田地里的农夫种植蕃茄--通过移植来饲养 它们。 首先，农夫选好牡蛎苗床，清除底部的旧壳和其它杂物，然后四处撒播干净的壳。 接 着，他们"栽种"已受精的牡蛎卵。 这些卵在 2～3 周内会孵化成幼贝。 幼贝一直漂流直到 粘在苗床底部干净的壳上为止。 它们会呆在那儿并逐渐长成小牡蛎。 我们称之为种子或贝苗。 贝苗吸进海水中的微小生物作为食物从而越长越大。 不久之后，农夫将这些小牡蛎收 集起来，把它们移种进其他的水域加快其生长，然后再次将它们移种进另外的水域以使其肥 壮起来。 直到最近，野生的以及人工饲养的牡蛎完全能够满足人们的需要。

但是今天这种 可口的海味已不再大量存在。这个问题已经变得如此严重以至于一些牡蛎苗床已完全消失。 幸运的是，早在 20 世纪初期海洋生物学家们就意识到如果不采取新的措施，牡蛎将会灭绝 或至少会变为一种奢侈的食品。 因此他们建造了装备良好的孵卵场所并开始工作。 但是他 们尚没有适当的装置或技术来处理牡蛎卵。他们不知道何时、用什么以及如何喂养幼贝。他 们对捕食数百万幼小牡蛎的动物天敌也所知无几。

他们失败了，但他们顽强地坚持了下来。 终于，在 20 世纪 40 年代，一个重要的突破性的进展产生了。 海洋生物学家发现，升高水 温能够诱导牡蛎不仅在夏季也在秋季、冬季和春季里产卵。 后来他们发展了一项技术来喂 养幼贝至其长成贝苗。 他们进一步成功地培养出了新的品种，可以抵抗疾病、长得更快、 更大并且在不同的盐度和温度的水中都能茁壮生长。 此外，这些培殖出的牡蛎口感更佳!

>35 Oil Refining

An important new industry, oil refining, grew after the Civil War. Crude oil, or petroleum -- a dark, thick ooze from the earth

-- had been known for hundreds of years, but little u had ever been made of it. In the 1850's Samuel M. Kier, a

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manufacturer in western Pennsylvania, began collecting the oil from local epages and refining it into kerone. Refining,

like smelting, is a process of removing impurities from a raw material.

Kerone was ud to light lamps. It was a cheap substitute for whale oil, which was becoming

harder to get. Soon there was a large demand for kerone. People began to arch for new supplies of first oil

well was drilled by E. L. Drake, a retired railroad conductor. In 1859 he began drilling in Titusville, Pennsylvania. The whole

venture emed so impractical and foolish that onlookers called it "Drake's Folly". But when he had drilled down about 70

feet (21 meters), Drake struck oil. His well began to yield 20 barrels of crude oil a day.

News of Drake's success brought oil prospectors to the scene. By the early 1860's the wildcatters were drilling for "black

gold" all over western Pennsylvania. The boom rivaled the California gold rush of 1848 in its excitement and Wild West

atmosphere. And it brought far more wealth to the prospectors than any gold oil could be refined into many

products. For some years kerone continued to be the principal one. It was sold in grocery stores and door-to-door. In the

1880's refiners learned how to make other petroleum products such as waxes and lubricating oils. Petroleum was not then

ud to make gasoline or heating oil.

炼油

一种重要的新兴工业--炼油业在国内战争后成长起来。 未加工的石油，或原油--一种深 色的地下的稠浆--数百年来一直为大众所知，但是人们却很少使用过它。 在十九世纪五十 年代，萨缪尔·M·科尔，宾西法尼亚西部的一位制造商，开始从当地的溢出物中收集石油 并将它炼成煤油。与冶炼矿石一样，石油提炼是一个从未加工的原料中除去杂质的过程。煤 油被用来点灯。

它是鲸油的一种便宜的替代品，而鲸油正变得越来越难以获得。 不久就产 生了对煤油的大量需求。 人们开始寻找新的石油供应。 第一口油井为 E·L·瑞克，一个 退休的火车检票员所钻得。 1859 年他开始在宾西法尼亚的泰特斯维尔钻井。 整个的这项冒险事业看起来是如此不现实和愚蠢以致旁观者称之为"鸭子的蠢行"。 (译者注：Drake's Folly, drake 在这里意含双关，即指瑞克的名字，又指该词的本义即鸭子。 )但当瑞克往下钻 至 70 英尺(21

米)的时候，他发现了石油。 他的油井从此每天生产20 桶原油。 瑞克成功的 消息将石油勘探者们吸引到现场。

截止到 19 世纪 60 年代早期，这些冒险者为寻找"黑色的 金子"钻探遍了整个宾西法尼亚西部。 这项繁荣的事业在刺激性和粗犷的西部气氛上可与1848 年的加州淘金热相媲美，而且它为勘探者带来了远超过淘金潮的财富。 原油能被提炼 成许多产品。 多年以来煤油一直是主要的一种产品。

它在杂货店中出售由人挨户推销。 19 世纪八十九十年代炼油者们懂得了生产其它石油产品，如蜡和润滑油。 那时石油还没有被用来制造汽油或采暖装置用油。

>36 Plate Tectonics and Sea-floor Spreading

The theory of plate tectonics describes the motions of the lithosphere, the comparatively rigid outer layer of the Earth

that includes all the crust

and part of the underlying mantle. The lithosphere is divided into a few dozen plates of various sizes and shapes, in

general the plates are in motion with respect to one another. A mid-ocean ridge is a boundary between plates where new

lithospheric material is injected from belows. As the plates diverge from a mid-ocean ridge they slide on a more yielding

layer at the ba of the the size of the Earth is esntially constant, new lithosphere can be created at the

mid-ocean ridges only if an equal amount of lithospheric material is consumed elwhere. The site of this destruction is

another kind of plate boundary: a subduction zone. There one plate dives under the edge of another and is reincorporated

into the mantle. Both kinds of plate boundary are associated with fault systems, earthquakes and volcanism, but the kinds

of geologic activity obrved at the two boundaries are quite different.

The idea of a-floor spreading actually preceded the theory of plate tectonics. In its original version, in the early 1960's, it

described the creation and destruction of the ocean floor, but it did not specify rigid lithospheric plates. The hypothesis was

substantiated soon afterward by the discovery that periodic reversals of the Earth's magnetic field are recorded in the

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oceanic crust. As magma ris under the mid-ocean ridge, ferromagnetic minerals in the magma

become magnetized in the direction of the geomagnetic field. When the magma cools and solidifies, the direction and the

polarity of the field are prerved in the magnetized volcanic rock. Reversals of the field give ri to a ries of magnetic

stripes running parallel to the axis of the rift. The oceanic crust thus rves as a magnetic tape recording of the history of the

geomagnetic field that can be dated independently; the width of the stripes indicates the rate of the a-floor spreading.

板块结构与海床扩展

板块结构理论描述岩石圈的运动。 岩石圈是相对坚硬的地球外层，包括全部地壳和部 分地幔。岩石圈被划分为几十个大小不同形状各异的板块，一般而言这些板块都处于相对 运动之中。 一道中海脊是板块之间的边界，在那里新的岩石圈的物质从下部注入。 当板块 从中海脊脱离时，它们滑向在岩石圈基部较易变形的地层上。 因为地球的大小本质上是不变的，只有同等数量的岩石圈物质在其它地方被吞没，新的岩石圈才能生成。 销毁旧岩石圈的地方形成另外一种板块边界：一块潜没的区域。 在这里，一块板块潜没到另一板块的 边缘之下并结合入地幔之中。

两种板块边界均与地层系统、地震以及火山活动有关，但在 两种边界处观察到的诸般地质活动却迥然不同。 海床扩展说实际上早于板块结构理论。 在20 世纪 60 年代它的理论雏形中，描述了海底的生成和毁灭，但没有详细介绍坚硬的岩石圈 板块。 这个假定不久之后为发现所证实。 该发现表明地球磁场周期性的逆转被记录在海洋 地壳中。

当岩浆从中海脊下涌起的时候，岩浆中的磁铁矿物质按地磁场的方向被磁化。 岩 浆冷却并凝固下来后，地磁场的方向和磁极被保留在磁化了的火山岩中。 磁场的逆转形成 一系列与断层轴线平行的条形磁区。 这样海洋壳就扮演了磁带的角色，记录下可以鉴定时 间的地磁场的历史。 条形磁区的宽度表明了海底扩展的速度。

>37 Icebergs

Icebergs are among nature's most spectacular creations, and yet most people have never en one. A vague air of mystery

envelops them. They come into being -- somewhere -- in faraway, frigid waters, amid thunderous noi and splashing

turbulence, which in most ca no one hears or es. They exist only a short time and then slowly waste away just as

unnoticed.

Objects of sheerest beauty they have been called. Appearing in an endless variety of shapes, they may be dazzlingly white, or

they may be glassy blue, green or purple, tinted faintly or in darker hues. They are graceful, stately, inspiring -- in calm,

sunlight they are also called frightening and dangerous, and that they are -- in the night, in the fog, and in storms. Even in clear weather one is wi to stay a safe distance away from them. Most of their bulk is hidden below the

water, so their underwater parts may extend out far beyond the visible top.

Also, they may roll over unexpectedly, churning the waters around gs are parts of glaciers that break off, drift

into the water, float about awhile, and finally melt. Icebergs afloat today are made of snowflakes that have fallen over long

ages of time. They embody snows that drifted down hundreds, or many thousands, or in some cas maybe a million

years ago. The snows fell in polar regions and on cold mountains, where they melted only a little or not at all, and so

collected to great depths over the years and centuries.

As each year's snow accumulation lay on the surface, evaporation and melting caud the snowflakes slowly to lo their feathery points and become tiny grains of ice. When new snow fell on top of the old, it too turned to icy grains. So

blankets of snow and ice grains mounted layer upon layer and were of such great thickness that the weight of the upper layers

compresd the lower ones. With time and pressure from above, the many small ice grains joined and changed to

larger crystals, and eventually the deeper crystals merged into a solid mass of ice.

冰山 冰山是大自然最壮观的创造之一，但大多数人却从未看到过冰山，一种朦胧神秘的气氛

笼罩着它们。 冰山形成于久远的、寒冷的水体中，而且伴随着雷声轰鸣般的嘈杂和水花汹涌的风暴，但却无人耳闻目睹。冰山仅存在短短的一段时间就慢慢地悄无声息地融化掉。冰 山具有最纯粹的美，人们如是说。

冰山呈现出千姿百态，可能白得耀眼，或者是闪耀着蓝 色、绿色或紫色的玻璃般的光芒，或浓或淡。它们在平静的阳光照耀的海水中显得优雅堂皇，令人浮想联翩。 但是人们亦把冰山称为恐怖的和危险的。 它们的确如此--在夜《写作160篇》全面涵盖当年可考话题，经典话题精心选材，

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间，雾 天和风暴肆虐时。

即便是在晴朗的天气里，与它们保持一段安全距离也是明智的。 冰山的 大部分体积稳藏于水下，因此其水下部分的伸展远远超过可见的顶部。 冰山也可能出人意料地翻滚，剧烈地搅动周围的水体。 冰山是冰川的一部分，从冰川断裂漂流进水中，一段 时间后融化。 今天的冰山由多年前降落的雪花形成。

它们的体内是数百年，或数千年，有 时甚至是数百万年前的降雪。 这些雪花落在极地或寒冷的山上，仅有少量融化或根本不融化，这样经过许多年或许多世纪后积累了巨大的深度。 由于每年的雪花积累在表面之上， 蒸发和融化使得雪花慢慢失去其羽状尖端而变成微小的冰粒。 当新的雪花降落到旧的表面 上，也变成了冰粒。 因而雪花覆盖层和冰粒层层堆积起来直到如此之大的厚度以致较上层的重量压缩较下层。在时间和压力的作用下，许多小冰粒结合到一起变成更大的晶体，最 终较底层的晶体合并成庞大而坚固的冰块。

>38 Topaz

Topaz is a hard, transparent mineral. It is a compound of aluminum, silica, and fluorine. Gem topaz is valuable. Jewelers

call this variety of the stone "precious topaz". The best-known precious topaz gems range in color from rich yellow to

light brown or pinkish red. Topaz is one of the hardest gem minerals. In the mineral table of hardness, it has a rating of 8,

which means that a knife cannot cut it, and that topaz will scratch quartz.

The golden variety of precious topaz is quite uncommon. Most of the world's topaz is white or blue. The white and blue

crystals of topaz are large, often weighing thousands of carats. For this reason, the value of topaz does not depend so much

on its size as it does with diamonds and many other precious stones, where the value increas about four times with each

doubling of weight. The value of a topaz is largely determined by its quality. But color is also important: blue topaz, for

instance, is often irradiated to deepen and improve its color.

Blue topaz is often sold as aquamarine and a variety of brown quartz is widely sold as topaz. The quartz is much less

brilliant and more plentiful than true topaz. Most of it is a variety of amethyst: that heat has turned brown.

黄水晶

黄水晶是一种坚硬、透明的矿物质。 它是铝、硅和氟的化合物。 黄水晶宝石价值不菲。 珠宝商把这种石头称为"黄玉"。 最出名的黄玉有各种颜色如深黄色、淡棕色、浅红色等。 黄 水晶是最坚硬的宝石矿中的一种。 在矿石硬度表上，它的硬度为 8，这表明刀子不能割开 它而它可在石英上划痕。 金黄色的黄玉品种非常罕见。 世界上大多数的黄水晶是白色或蓝 色的。 这些白色或蓝色的黄水晶晶体很大，常常有数千克拉重。

由于这个原因，黄水晶的 价值不像钻石和许多其它宝石那样主要依赖于其大小，重量翻一番价值即上升约四倍。 黄

水晶的价值很大程度上取决于其品质，但颜色也很重要。 举例来说，蓝色的黄水晶常需放 射处理以加深和改善其颜色。

蓝色的黄水晶常被作为海蓝宝石出售，许多种棕色石英被当 作黄水晶广为贩卖。 石英光亮度远小于黄水晶，矿藏储量也远较黄水晶丰富。 大多数石英是一种紫水晶，高温使其变为棕色。

>39 The Salinity of Ocean Waters

If the salinity of ocean waters is analyzed, it is found to vary only slightly from place to place. Nevertheless, some of the

small changes are important. There are three basic process that cau a change in oceanic salinity.

One of the is the subtraction of water from the ocean by means of evaporation - conversion of liquid water to water

vapor. In this manner the salinity is incread, since the salts stay behind. If this is carried to the extreme, of cour, white

crystals of salt would be left behind.

The opposite of evaporation is precipitation, such as rain, by which water is added to the ocean. Here the ocean is

being diluted so that the salinity is decread. This may occur in areas of high rainfall or in coastal regions where

rivers flow into the ocean. Thus salinity may be incread by the subtraction of water by evaporation, or

decread by the addition of fresh water by precipitation or runoff.

Normally, in tropical regions where the sun is very strong, the ocean salinity is somewhat higher than it is in other parts of

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the world where there is not as much evaporation. Similarly, in coastal regions where rivers dilute the a, salinity is

somewhat lower than in other oceanic areas.

A third process by which salinity may be altered is associated with the formation and melting of a ice. When a water is

frozen, the dissolved materials are left behind. In this manner, a water directly beneath freshly formed a ice has a

higher salinity than it did before the ice appeared. Of cour, when this ice melts, it will tend to decrea the

salinity of the surrounding water. In the Weddell Sea Antarctica, the denst water in the oceans is formed as a result of this

freezing process, which increas the salinity of cold water. This heavy water sinks and is found in the deeper portions of the

oceans of the world.

海水盐度 如果我们分析海水的盐度，会发现地区间只有轻微的变化，然而有些小的变化是重要的。导致海洋的盐度变化的基本过程有三个，其中之一是通过蒸发的方式即把液态水转化为水蒸 气来减少海洋中的水分。 这样由于盐留了下来，所以盐度增大。当然，如果这种方式走向 极端，将会余下白色的盐晶体。 与蒸发相反的是降水，如降雨，由此水被加入海中，海水 被稀释，从而盐度降低。

这种情形会发生在大量降雨的地区，或江河入海岸处。 因此，盐 度通过蒸发减少水分而上升或通过降水或径流增加淡水成分而下降。 一般来说，在阳光很强烈的热带地区，海水的盐度略高于世界上其它没有热带那样多的蒸发的地区。 同理，在 江河稀释海水的海岸地带，海水盐度略低于其它海区。

第三个可以变更盐度的过程与海洋 中冰的形成和融化有关。 海水冻结时，溶于其中的物质被留了下来。 这样，在新形成的海水冰面的正下方的海水比在冰形成之前有更高的盐度。 当然，当冰融化的时候，会降低周 围水中的盐度。在南极洲边缘的威德尔海中，结冰过程增加低温海水的盐度，从而形成了 浓度最大的海水。 这些大密度的海水下沉，可以在世界海洋的深水域发现。

>40 Cohesion-tension Theory

Atmospheric pressure can support a column of water up to 10 meters high. But plants can move water much higher; the

quoia tree can pump water to its very top more than 100 meters above the ground. Until the end of the nineteenth century,

the movement of water in trees and other tall plants was a mystery. Some botanists hypothesized that the living cells of plants

acted as pumps. But many experiments demonstrated that the stems of plants in which all the cells are killed can still move

water to appreciable heights. Other explanations for the movement of water in plants have been bad on root pressure, a

push on the water from the roots at the bottom of the plant. But root pressure is not nearly great enough to push water to

the tops of tall trees. Furthermore, the conifers, which are among the tallest trees, have unusually low root pressures.

If water is not pumped to the top of a tall tree, and if it is not pushed to the top of a tall tree, then we may ask: how does it get

there? According to the currently accepted cohesion-tension theory, water is pulled there. The pull on a rising column of

water in a plant results from the evaporation of water at the top of the plant. As water is lost from the surface of the

leaves, a negative pressure, or tension, is created. The evaporated water is replaced by water moving from inside the plant in

unbroken columns that extend from the top of a plant to its roots.

The same forces that create surface tension in any sample of water are responsible for the maintenance of the unbroken

columns of water. When water is confined in tubes of very small bore, the forces of cohesion (the attraction between water

molecules) are so great that the strength of a column of water compares with the strength of a steel wire of the same

diameter. This cohesive strength permits columns of water to be pulled to great heights without being broken.

内聚压力理论

大气压能够支持 10 米高的水柱，但植物可将水送得更高。 美洲红杉就能把水泵到地面 以上 100 多米高的树顶。

直到 19 世纪末，水在树木和其它高大植物中的输送还是一个谜。 一些植物学家假定植物中的活细胞充当了水泵的角色。 但许多实验表明细胞都已死亡的植物茎干仍能将水输送到相当可观的高度。 对于植物中输送水的其它解释《写作160篇》全面涵盖当年可考话题，经典话题精心选材，

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都基于根压--植物 底端的根对水的推动。 但根压完全不足以将水推到树顶。

况且，最高树木中的松柏只有很 低的根压。 如果水不是被泵到高树的树顶，也不是被推到树顶，那么我们会问：它是怎样到达树顶的呢?根据目前为人们所接受的内聚压力的理论，水是被拉到上面去的。 一株植物 中作用于一个正在升高的水柱之上的拉力来自该植物顶部水的蒸发。

由于水从叶子表面丧 失，一个负压力，或张力就得以产生。 蒸发出去的水被植物里流动的水代替。 这些水形成

水柱从植物顶端一直延伸到根部。在任何水样中造成表面张力的力支持着这些不断的水柱。当水被限制在内径很小的管道中时，内聚压力(水分子之间的相互吸引力)是如此之大以致一 支水柱的强度相当于一根直径相同的钢丝的强度。

这种内聚压力使得水柱被拉到非常高的 地方而不会断裂。

>41 American Black Bears

American black bears appear in a variety of colors despite their name. In the eastern part of their range, most of the bears

have shiny black fur, but in the west they grow brown, red, or even yellow coats. To the north, the black bear is actually gray

or white in color. Even in the same litter, both brown and black furred bears may be born.

Black bears are the smallest of all American bears, ranging in length from five to six feet, weighing from three hundred to

five hundred pounds. Their eyes and ears are small and their eyesight and hearing are not as good as their n of smell.

Like all bears, the black bear is timid, clumsy, and rarely dangerous, but if attacked, most can climb trees and cover ground

at great speeds. When angry or frightened, it is a formidable bears feed on leaves, herbs, roots, fruit, berries,

incts, fish, and even larger animals. One of the most interesting characteristics of bears, including the black bear, is their

winter sleep. Unlike squirrels, woodchucks, and many other woodland animals, bears do not

Actually hibernate. Although the bear does not eat during the winter months, sustaining itlf from body fat, its temperature

remains almost normal, and it breathes regularly four or five times per minute.

Most black bears live alone, except during mating ason. They prefer to live in caves, hollow logs, or den

thickets. A litter of one to four cubs is born in January or February after a gestation period of six to nine months, and they

remain with their mother until they are fully grown or about one and a half years old. Black bears can live as long as thirty

years in the wild, and even longer in game prerves t aside for them.

美国黑熊

美国黑熊虽然被叫做黑熊但却有各种各样的颜色。 在它们生活区域的东部，大部分黑 熊长有富有光泽的黑毛，但在西部，他们则长着棕色、红色甚至是黄色的毛。 在北部，黑 熊其实长着灰色或白色的毛。 就是在一胎所生的小熊中，都可能混杂棕毛和黑毛。 黑熊是 所有美洲熊中最小的，5～6 英尺长，300～500

磅重。 它们的眼睛和耳朵都很小，他们的视 力和听觉不如嗅觉那样好。 像所有的熊一样，黑熊胆小，笨拙，很少具有危险性。 但如果 受到攻击，大部分黑熊会以很快的速度爬上树和奔跑。 当发怒或受惊吓时，黑熊会成为可 怕的对手。

黑熊以树叶、草、树根、水果、浆果、昆虫、鱼，甚至更大的动物为食。 熊类， 包括黑熊的最有趣的一个特点是他们的冬眠。 与松鼠、旱獭和其它别的林地动物不同，熊 并不真正地冬眠。 虽然熊在冬天的几个月中不吃东西，靠体内脂肪维持生命，但它们的体温保持正常，并有规律地一分钟呼吸 4 或 5 次。除交配季节外，大多数黑熊独自生活。 他 们喜欢住在洞里、空心的大木头里或茂密的树丛里。 经过 6到 9 个月的怀孕期后一胎 1～4 个小熊在 1 月或 2 月出生。 它们同母熊住在一起，直到它们完全长大，即 1 岁半左右。 黑熊在野外可以活到长达 30

年，在专门的保护区中甚至能活得更长。

>42 Coal-fired Power Plants

The invention of the incandescent light bulb by Thomas A. Edison in 1879 created a demand for a cheap, readily available

fuel with which to generate large amounts of electric power. Coal emed to fit the bill, and it fueled the earliest power

stations (which were t up at the end of the nineteenth century by Edison himlf). As more power plants were constructed

throughout the country, the reliance on coal incread. Since the First World War, coal-fired power plants have accounted

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for about half of the electricity produced in the United States each year. In 1986 such plants had a combined generating

capacity of 289, 000 megawatts and consumed 83 percent of the nearly 900 million tons of coal mined in the country that

year. Given the uncertainty in the future growth of nuclear power and in the supply of oil and natural gas, coal-fired power

plants could well provide up to 70 percent of the electric power in the United States by the end of the century.

Yet, in spite of the fact that coal has long been a source of electricity and may remain one for many years (coal

reprents about 80 percent of United States fossil-fuel rerves), it has actually never been the most

desirable fossil fuel for power plants. Coal contains less energy per unit of weight than natural gas or oil; it is difficult to

transport, and it is associated with a host of environmental issues, among them acid rain. Since the late 1960's problems of

emission control and waste disposal have sharply reduced the appeal of coal-fired power plants. The cost of ameliorating

the environmental problems along with the rising cost of building a facility as large andcomplex as a coal-fired power plant,

have also made such plants less attractive from a purely economic perspective.

Changes in the technological ba of coal-fired power plants could restore their attractiveness, however. Whereas some of

the changes are evolutionary and are intended mainly to increa the productivity of existing plants, completely new

technologies for burning coal cleanly are also being developed.

火力发电厂托马斯·爱迪生 1879 年发明的白炽灯导致对便宜、易得、可生产大量电能 的燃料的需求。

煤似乎符合这个要求，并成为第一批电厂的燃料(正是爱迪生本人在 19 世 纪末建造了第一批电厂)。 全国到处兴建电厂时，对煤的依赖加深了。

自第一次世界大战 以来，美国每年约有一半的电力是以煤为燃料的电厂提供的。 1986 年这些电厂的总发电能 力达到 28，900 千瓦并且消耗了当年全国开采的九亿吨煤的 83%。 考虑到核能发展以及石 油、天然气供应中的不确定因素，到本世纪末，火力发电厂仍可能为美国提供多达 70%的 电力。 然而，尽管煤长期以来一直是电力的原料之一并且可能会继续如此(煤占美国化石燃 料储量的 80%)，它却不是电厂的理想燃料。

煤的单位能量含量低于石油和天然气，而且会 导致包括酸雨在内的一系列环境问题。 从 1960 年以来，排放控制和垃圾处理的问题极大地削弱了燃煤电厂的魅力。 由于减轻这些环境问题需要大量资金，而且建造庞大复杂的燃煤 电厂的费用不断上涨，也使得这些电厂从经济角度上不具备吸引力。

改变火力发电厂的基 础技术却可能恢复它们的吸引力。 虽然某些技术改进是渐进的，其目的只是提高现有电厂 的生产率，但人们正在开发全新的清洁燃煤的技术。

>43 Statistics

There were two widely divergent influences on the early development of statistical methods. Statistics had a mother who was

dedicated to keeping orderly records of governmental units (state and statistics come from the same Latin root status) and

a gentlemanly gambling father who relied on mathematics to increa his skill at playing the odds in games of chance.

The influence of the mother on the offspring, statistics, is reprented by counting, measuring, describing, tabulating,

ordering, and the taking of census -- all of which led to modern descriptive statistics. From the

influence of the father came modern inferential statistics, which is bad squarely on theories of probability.

Descriptive statistics involves tabulating, depicting and describing collections of data. The data may be quantitative

such as measures of height, intelligence or grade level -- variables that are characterized by an underlying continuum -- or the

data may reprent qualitative variables, such as x, college major or personality type. Large mass of data must

generally undergo a process of summarization or reduction before they are comprehensible. Descriptive statistics is a tool for

describing or summarizing or reducing to comprehensible form the properties of an otherwi unwieldy mass of data.

Inferential statistics is a formalized body of methods for solving another class of problems that prent great

difficulties for the unaided human mind. This general class of problems characteristically involve

attempts to make predictions using a sample of obrvations. For example, a school superintendent wishes to

determine the proportion of children in a large school system who come to school without breakfast, have been vaccinated for

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flu, or whatever. Having a little knowledge of statistics, the superintendent would know that it is

unnecessary and inefficient to question each child: the proportion for the entire district could be estimated fairly accurately

from a sample of as few as 100 children. Thus, the purpo of inferential statistics is to predict or estimate characteristics

of a population from a knowledge of the characteristics of only a sample of the

population.

统计学

统计方法的早期发展受到两种截然不同的影响。 统计学有一个"母亲"，她致力于井井 有条地记录政府机构的文件(国家和统计学这两个词源于同一个拉丁语词根，status)，还有一 个有绅士般的赌博"父亲"，他依靠数学来提高赌技，以便在几率的游戏中取胜。 "母亲"对 其子女统计学的影响表现在计数、测量、描述、制表、归类和人口普查。 所有这些导致了 现代描述统计学的诞生。 由于"父亲"的影响则产生了完全基于概率论原理的现代推理统计 学。 描述统计学涉及对所收集数据的制表、制图和描述。 这些数据可以是数量性的数据， 如高度、智商、或者是层级性的数据--具有连续性的变量--或数据也可以代表性质变量，如 性别、大学专业或性格类型等等。 数量庞大的数据通常必须经过概括或删减的程序才能为 人所理解。 描述统计学就是这样一个工具，它对极其庞杂的数据进行描述、概括或删减， 使其变成能为人理解的东西。 推理统计学是一套已定形了的方法体系，它解决的是光凭人 脑极难解决的另一类问题。 这类问题的显著特点是试图通过取样调查来作出预测。 例如， 有一位教育督察想知道在一个庞大的学校系统中，不吃早饭就上学的学生、已经做过防感冒免疫的学生，或其它任何类型的学生占多大比例。 若具备一些统计学的知识，这位督察应 明白，询问每个孩子是没有必要而且没有效率的，只要用 100 个孩子为样本，他就可以相当 精确地得出这些孩子占整个学区的比例了。 因此，推理统计学的目的就是通过了解一个群体中一些样本的特性，从而对整个群体的特性进行推测和估算。

>44 Obtaining Fresh Water from Icebergs

The concept of obtaining fresh water from icebergs that are towed to populated areas and arid regions of the world was once

treated as a joke more appropriate to cartoons than real life. But now it is being considered quite riously by many

nations, especially since scientists have warned that the human race will outgrow its fresh water supply faster than it runs out

of rs are a possible source of fresh water that has been overlooked until recently.

Three-quarters of the Earth's fresh water supply is still tied up in glacial ice, a rervoir of untapped fresh water so

immen that it could sustain all the rivers of the world for 1,000 years. Floating on the oceans every year are 7,659

trillion metric tons of ice encad in 10,000 icebergs that break away from the polar ice caps, more than ninety percent of them from glaciers that stretch over the shallow continental shelf give birth to icebergs throughout the

year. Icebergs are not like a ice, which is formed when the a itlf freezes, rather, they are formed entirely on land,

breaking off when glaciers spread over the a. As they drift away from the polar region, icebergs sometimes move

mysteriously in a direction opposite to the wind, pulled by subsurface currents. Becau they melt more slowly than smaller

pieces of ice, icebergs have been known to drift as far north as 35 degrees south of the equator in the Atlantic Ocean. To

corral

them and steer them to parts of the world where they are needed would not be too difficult.

The difficulty aris in other technical matters, such as the prevention of rapid melting in warmer climates and

the funneling of fresh water to shore in great volume. But even if the icebergs lost half of their volume in towing, the

water they could provide would be far cheaper than that produced by desalinization, or removing salt from water.

从冰山中获取淡水 把冰山拖到世界上人口稠密的地区和干旱地带，再从中获取淡水，这个想法曾一度被认

为是一个笑话，更适合于卡通画，而非现实生活。 然而现在，许多国家正相当认真地考虑 这件事情，特别是在科学家们发出警告之后。 科学家们认为人类将在耗尽粮食之前首先耗 尽淡水资源。冰川是一个直到最近以前一直被忽视的可能的淡水源。 全球四分之三的淡水 还锁在冰川的冰块中。 冰川就是一个蓄水池，其中未开发的淡水量是如此巨大，足够支持 全世界的江河 1000 年。 每年有 7，659 万亿公吨冰漂流在海洋中。它们包含在 10，《写作160篇》全面涵盖当年可考话题，经典话题精心选材，

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000 座从极地冰帽中断裂出来的冰山中。 这些冰山的 90%以上来自南极。 一年四季里，覆盖在浅层大陆架上的巨大冰川生成了众多冰山。 冰山和海水的冰不同，后者是海水自身结冰 形成的，而冰山则完全是在陆地上形成的。

当冰川伸展到海水中时，冰山就断裂下来。 当 漂离极地地区时，冰山有时会在底层洋流的推动下颇为神秘地逆风移动。 由于冰山比小块的冰融化要慢，因此有的冰山在大西洋中向北飘到了赤道以南 35°的地方。 把冰山蓄拦起 来并拖到世界上需要它们的地方将不会太困难。 有困难的是其它的技术事宜。 比如，如何 防止冰山在较暖的气候中迅速融化以及如何把大量的淡水收集到岸上去。 但是，即便在拖 的过程中冰山失去了一半体积，这样做也远比从海水中脱盐取得淡水便宜。

>45 The Source of Energy

A summary of the physical and chemical nature of life must begin, not on the Earth, but in the Sun; in fact, at the Sun's very

center. It is here that is to be found the source of the energy that the Sun constantly pours out into space as light and heat.

This energy is liberated at the center of the Sun as billions upon billions of nuclei of hydrogen atoms collide with each other

and fu together to form nuclei of helium, and in doing so, relea some of the energy that is stored in the nuclei of atoms.

The output of light and heat of the Sun requires that some 600 million tons of hydrogen be converted into helium

in the Sun every cond. This the Sun has been doing for veral thousands of millions of years. The nuclear

energy is relead at the Sun's center as high-energy gamma radiation, a form of electromagnetic radiation like light and

radio waves, only of very much shorter wavelength. This gamma radiation is absorbed by atoms inside the Sun to be reemitted

at slightly longer wavelengths. This radiation, in its turn is absorbed and reemitted. As the energy filters through the

layers of the solar interior, it pass through the X-ray part of the spectrum eventually becoming light. At this stage, it has

reached what we call the solar surface, and can escape into space without being absorbed further by solar atoms. A very small

fraction of the Sun's light and heat is emitted in such directions that after passing unhindered

through interplanetary space, it hits the Earth.

能量的来源

概说生命的物理和化学特性必须始于太阳--确切地说，是太阳的核心，而非地球。 能 量来自太阳的核心。 在这里，太阳不停地以光和热的形式向空间倾泻出能量。 数十亿计的 氢原子核在太阳的核心碰撞并且聚变生成氦。 在此过程中一部分原本储存于原子核中的能 量被释放出来。 太阳所产生的光和热需要每秒将六亿吨氢转化为氦。 这样的转化在太阳中已经持续几十亿年了。 核能在太阳的核心被释放为高能的伽马射线。 这是一种电磁射线， 就象光波和无线电波一样，只是波长要短得多。这种伽玛射线被太阳内的原子所吸收，然 后重新释放为波长稍长一些的光波。 这新的射线再次被吸收，而后释放。 在能量由太阳内部一层层渗透出来的过程中，它经过了光谱中 X 射线部分，最后变成了光。 在此阶段，能量到达我们所称的太阳表层，并且离散到空间而不再被太阳原子所吸收。 只有很小一部分 太阳的光和热由此方向释放出来，并且未被阻挡，穿越星空，来到地球。

>46 Vision

Human vision like that of other primates has evolved in an arboreal environment. In the den complex world of a tropical forest, it is more important to e well than to develop an acute n of smell. In the cour of evolution

members of the primate line have acquired large eyes while the snout has shrunk to give the eye an unimpeded view. Of

mammals only humans and some primates enjoy color vision. The red flag is black to the bull.

Hors live in a monochrome world. Light visible to human eyes however occupies only a very narrow band in the

whole electromagnetic spectrum. Ultraviolet rays are invisible to humans though ants and honeybees are

nsitive to them. Humans have no direct perception of infrared rays unlike the rattlesnake which has receptors tuned into

wavelengths longer than 0.7 micron. The world would look eerily different if human eyes were nsitive to infrared

radiation. Then instead of the darkness of night, we would be able to move easily in a strange shadowless world where

objects glowed with varying degrees of intensity.

But human eyes excel in other ways. They are in fact remarkably discerning in color gradation. The color nsitivity of

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normal human vision is rarely surpasd even by sophisticated technical devices.

视觉

人类的视觉，和其它灵长目动物的一样，是在丛林环境中进化出来的。 在稠密、复杂 的热带丛林里，好的视觉比灵敏的嗅觉更加重要。 在进化过程中，灵长目动物的眼睛变大， 同时鼻子变小以使视野不受阻碍。 在哺乳类动物中，只有人和一些灵长目动物能够分辨颜 色。 红旗在公牛看来是黑色的，马则生活在一个单色的世界里。 然而，人眼可见的光在整 个光谱中只占一个非常狭窄的频段。人是看不到紫外线的，尽管蚂蚁和蜜蜂可以感觉到。与 响尾蛇不同，人也不能直接感受到红外线。 响尾蛇的感觉器可以感受波长超过 0.7 微米的 光线。 如果人能感受到红外线的话，这世界看上去将十分不同，而且恐怖。 到那时，将与夜的黑暗相反，我们能轻易地在一个奇异的没有阴影的世界里走动。 任何物体都强弱不等 地闪着光。 然而，人眼在其它方面有优越之处。事实上，人眼对颜色梯度具有非凡的分辨能力。 普通人类的视觉感受色彩的灵敏程度，甚至连精密的技术装备都很难超越。

>47 Folk Cultures

A folk culture is a small isolated, cohesive, conrvative, nearly lf-sufficient group that is homogeneous in custom and race

with a strong family or clan structure and highly developed rituals. Order is maintained through sanctions bad in the

religion or family and interpersonal relationships are strong. Tradition is paramount, and change comes

infrequently and slowly. There is relatively little division of labor into specialized duties. Rather, each person is expected to

perform a great variety of tasks, though duties may differ between the xes. Most goods are handmade and

subsistence economy prevails. Individualism is weakly developed in folk cultures as are social class. Unaltered folk cultures

no longer exist in industrialized countries such as the United States and Canada. Perhaps the nearest modern equivalent in

Anglo America is the Amish, a German American farming ct that largely renounces the products and labor saving devices

of the industrial age. In Amish areas, hor drawn buggies still rve as a local transportation

device and the faithful are not permitted to own automobiles. The Amish's central religious concept of Demut "humility",

clearly reflects the weakness of individualism and social class so typical of folk cultures and there is a corresponding

strength of Amish group identity. Rarely do the Amish marry outside their ct. The religion, a variety of the

Mennonite faith, provides the principal mechanism for maintaining orders.

By contrast a popular culture is a large heterogeneous group often highly individualistic and constantly changing. Relationships tend to be impersonal and a pronounced division of labor exists, leading to the establishment of many

specialized professions. Secular institutions of control such as the police and army take the place of religion and family

in maintaining order, and a money-bad economy prevails. Becau of the contrasts, "popular" may be viewed as

clearly different from "folk". The popular is replacing the folk in industrialized countries and in many developing nations.

Folk-made objects give way to their popular equivalent, usually becau the popular item is more quickly or cheaply

produced, is easier or time saving to u or leads more prestige to the owner.

民间文化民间文化是小型的、孤立的、紧密的、保守的、近乎自给自足的群体，具有同 样的习俗、同样的人种和强有力的家庭或部族结构以及高度发展的宗教仪式。 秩序由宗教 或家庭的约束来维持，成员间的关系非常紧密，传统至高无上，很少有变动且变动缓慢。 劳动专业分工相对较少。

每个人都要做各类活计，尽管男女两性分工不同。 绝大多数物品是 手工制造的，经济一般为自给自足型。 个人主义和社会阶层在民间文化群体中的发展十分薄弱。在象美国和加拿大这样的工业化国家里，一成不变的民间文化群体已不复存在了。在 当代美洲的英语区，与民间文化最相似的群体也许算是 Amish。

Amish 是美国的德裔农耕 部落，他们基本上拒绝接受工业时代的大多数产品和节省劳力的设施。在 Amish 地区，轻便马车仍是当地的交通工具，信徒们不允许拥有汽车。 Amish 宗教中的核心观念 Demut 即 谦卑典型地反映了在《写作160篇》全面涵盖当年可考话题，经典话题精心选材，

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民间文化群中个人主义和阶级的不发达。

而与此同时，Amish 对群体 的认同性却十分强。 Amish 人很少和他们宗派以外的人通婚。 其宗教，作为

Mennonite 信 仰的一种，提供了维护秩序的主要机制。 相反，大众文化是包含不同种族的大群体，通常 高度个性化而且不断在变化。人际关系冷漠，劳动分工明确，由此产生了许多专门的职业。 世俗的控制机构，比如警察和军队，取代了宗教和家庭来维持秩序，而且实行的是货币经济。由于存在着这些差异，"大众的"与"民间的"可谓大相径庭。 在工业化国家以及许多发展中 国家里，大众文化正在取代民间文化。民间制造的物品正让位于大众化产品，这通常是因 为大众化的物品制造起来更快、更便宜，用起来更容易、更方便或者是能给其所有者带来更 多的威望。

>48 Bacteria

Bacteria are extremely small living things. While we measure our own sizes in inches or centimeters, bacterial size is

measured in microns. One

micron is a thousandth of a millimeter: a pinhead is about a millimeter across. Rod-shaped bacteria are usually from two to

four microns long, while rounded ones are generally one micron in diameter. Thus if you enlarged a rounded bacterium a

thousand times, it would be just about the size of a pinhead. An adult human magnified by the same amount would

be over a mile (1.6 kilometers) tall.

Even with an ordinary microscope, you must look cloly to e bacteria. Using a magnification of

100 times, one finds that bacteria are barely visible as tiny rods or dots. One cannot make out anything of their structure.

Using special stains, one can e that some bacteria have attached to them wavy-looking "hairs" called flagella. Others have

only one flagellum. The flagella rotate, pushing the bacteria through the water.

Many bacteria lack flagella and cannot move about by their own power, while others can glide

along over surfaces by some little-understood the bacterial point of view, the world is a very

different place from what it is to humans. To a bacterium water is as thick as molass is to us. Bacteria are so small that

they are influenced by the movements of the chemical molecules around them. Bacteria under the

microscope, even tho with no flagella, often bounce about in the water. This is becau they collide with the water

molecules and are pushed this way and

that. Molecules move so rapidly that within a tenth of a cond the molecules around a bacterium have all been replaced by

new ones; even bacteria without flagella are thus constantly expod to a changing environment.

细菌细菌是极其微小的生物体。 我们用英寸或厘米来测量自己的大小，而测量细菌却 要用微米。 一微米等于千分之一毫米。 针头直径大约一毫米。 棒状细菌通常有 2～4 微米 长，而圆形细菌的直径一般只有 1 微米。 因此，即使你把一个圆形细菌放大 1000 倍，它也 不过一个针头那么大。

可是如果把一个成年人放大 1000 倍，就会变成 1 英里(或 1.6 公里) 多高。 用一般的显微镜观察细菌时，你必须仔细观察才能看见它们。 使用 100 倍的显微镜 时，你会发现细菌不过是隐约可见的小细棒或小点点，而它们的结构你却根本看不出来。 使 用特殊的着色剂后，你会发现有的细菌上长着不少波状的"毛发"即鞭毛，而有的细菌只有一 根鞭毛。 鞭毛的旋转可以推动细菌在水中行进。

不少细菌没有鞭毛，因而不能自己行进。 还有些细菌却能通过某些鲜为人知的机制沿物体表面滑动。 我们所熟知的世界在细菌眼中 完全是另一个样子。 对于细菌来说，水就同糖浆之于人类一样稠密。 细菌是如此的微小， 周围化学分子的一举一动都会对它们产生影响。 在显微镜下，细菌，甚至包括那些没有鞭

毛的细菌，经常在水中跳来跳去。 这是因为它们与水分子相撞后，被弹向各个方向。 分子 移动很迅速，仅 0.1

秒之隔，一个细菌周围的分子就会完全更新。 因此，即使是没有鞭毛 的细菌也暴露在一个不断变化的环境中。

>49 Sleep

Sleep is part of a person's daily activity cycle. There are veral different stages of sleep, and they too occur in cycles. If you

are an average sleeper, your sleep cycle is as follows. When you first drift off into slumber, your eyes will roll about a bit,

your temperature will drop slightly, your muscles will relax, and your breathing well slow and become quite regular.

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Your brain waves slow down a bit too, with the alpha rhythm of rather fast waves predominating for the first few minutes.

This is called stage 1 sleep. For the next half hour or so, as you relax more and more, you will drift down through stage 2

and stage 3 sleep. The lower your stage of sleep, the slower your brain waves will be. Then about 40 to 60 minutes after you

lo consciousness you will have reached the deepest sleep of all. Your brain waves will show the large slow waves that are

known as the delta rhythm. This is stage 4 do not remain at this deep fourth stage all night long, but instead about

80 minutes after you fall into slumber, your brain activity level will increa again slightly. The delta rhythm will disappear,

to be replaced by the activity pattern of brain waves. Your eyes will begin to dart around under your clod eyelids as

if you were looking at something occurring in front of you. This period of rapid eye movement lasts for some 8 to 15

minutes and is called REM sleep. It is during REM sleep period, your body will soon relax again, your breathing will grow

slow and regular once more, and you will slip gently back from stage 1 to stage 4 sleep - only to ri once again to the surface

of near consciousness some 80 minutes later.

睡眠

睡眠是人每天日常活动循环的一部分。 人的睡眠分几个阶段，而这些阶段也是循环发 生的。 如果你是一个正常的睡眠者，你的睡眠循环会这样进行。 在你开始昏昏入睡时，你 的眼睛会滚动几下，体温略有下降，肌肉放松，呼吸变得缓慢而有节奏。 除了开始几分钟 比较快的α节奏外，脑电波也稍有减缓。 这被称为第一阶段睡眠。 在随后约半小时内，你 进一步放松，进入第二和第三阶段睡眠。 睡眠越深入，脑电波就越缓慢。 大约在开始睡眠 后的 40 到 60 分钟，你将进入沉睡状态。 这时的脑电波表现为巨大的缓波，被称为δ节奏。 这就是第四阶段睡眠。

但你并不是整夜都保持这种沉睡状态。 入睡后约

80 分钟左右，你 的大脑运动水平会再度略有提高。 δ节奏消失，并被脑电波的运动图形取代。 你的眼睛会在闭着的眼睑下迅速转动，就好象你在看着眼前发生的什么事情。 这种迅速的眼球运动持 续约 8～15 分钟，这一阶段睡眠被称之为快速眼动(REM)睡眠。在 REM 睡眠阶段，你的肢 体会很快再度放松，呼吸也再次放慢并变得有节奏，你会轻松地从第一阶段滑入第四阶段睡 眠-直到大约 80 分钟后重新接近清醒状态。

>50 Cells and Temperature

Cells cannot remain alive outside certain limits of temperature, and much narrower limits mark the boundaries of

effective functioning. Enzyme systems of mammals and birds are most efficient only within a narrow range around 37 ℃;

a departure of a few degrees from this value riously impairs their functioning. Even though cells can survive

wider fluctuations, the integrated actions of bodily systems are impaired.

Other animals have a wider tolerance for changes of bodily temperature. For centuries it has been recognized that mammals

and birds differ from other animals in the way they regulate body temperature. Ways of characterizing

the difference have become more accurate and meaningful over time, but popular terminology still reflects the old

division into "warm blooded" and "cold blooded" species; warm-blooded included mammals and birds whereas

all other creatures were considered cold-blooded. As more species were studied, it became evident that this classification was

inadequate. A fence lizard or adert iguana -- each cold-blooded -- usually has a body temperature only a degree or two

below that of humans and so is not cold. Therefore the next distinction was made between animals that maintain a constant

body temperature, called homeotherms, and tho who body temperature varies with their environment, called

poikilotherms. But this classification also proved inadequate, becau among mammals there are many that vary their

body temperatures during hibernation. Furthermore, many invertebrates that live in the depths of the ocean never experience

a change in the chill of the deep water, and their body temperatures remain constant.

细胞与温度 细胞只能在一定的温度范围内存活，而进一步保证它们有效工作的温度范围就更小了。

哺乳动物和鸟类的酶系统只能在 37℃左右的很小范围内才能有效工作。 与此相差仅几度的 温度都会大大削弱它们的工作效率。尽管温度变化更大时细胞仍能存活，但机体系统的整 体运行能力却被削弱了。 其它动物对体温的变化有更强的适应性。 几个世纪以来，人们就认识到哺乳动物和鸟类调节体温的方式与其它动物不同。 随着时间的推《写作160篇》全面涵盖当年可考话题，经典话题精心选材，

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移，人们对这种差异的描述越来越精确和有意义，但是"暖血动物"和"冷血动物"这一古老的分类方式至今仍在 大众词汇中有所反映。

暖血动物包括哺乳动物和鸟类，其它动物统统被视为冷血动物。 但 是对更多物种进行的研究表明这种分类显然是不适当的。 美洲一种小型蜥蜴和沙漠鬣蜥同属冷血动物，但实际上它们的体温通常只比人类的体温低 1～2 度，因此并不是真正的冷血。 因此又出现了恒温动物(即保持恒定体温的动物)和变温动物(即体温随外界环境的变化而改 变的动物)这一区分方式。 但这种分类也不恰当。因为有不少哺乳动物在冬眠期间会改变 体温，而许多生活在深海的无脊椎动物在寒冷的深海水域中体温并不变化，而是恒定的。

>51 Marine Mammals

Since there is such an abundance of food in the a, it is understandable that some of the efficient, highly adaptable,

warm-blooded mammals that evolved on land should have returned to the a. Tho that did have flourished. Within

about 50 million years -- no time at all, geologically speaking -- one of the four kinds of mammals that

has returned to a marine environment has developed into the largest of all animal forms, the whale. A cond kind, the

al, has produced what is probably the greatest population of large carnivorous mammals on suggests

that the "top dogs" of the ocean are prospering and multiplying. However, such has not been the ca, at least not

for the last 150 years. Trouble has clod in on the mammals in the form of equally warm-blooded and even more

efficient and adaptable predators, humans. At a, as on land, humans have now positioned themlves on the top of the

whole great pyramid of life, and they have caud rious problems for the mammals of the a. There is a simple reason for

this. Marine mammals have the misfortune to be swimming aggregates of commodities that humans want: fur, oil and meat.

Even so, they might not be so vulnerable to human depredation if they did not, like humans, reproduce so slowly.

Every year humans take more than 50 million tons of fish from the oceans without critically depleting the population of

any species. But the slow-breeding mammals of the a have been all but wiped out by humans eking to satisfy their wants

and whims.

海洋哺乳动物 既然海洋中有如此丰富的食物，一些原本在陆地生存的高效率的，适应性强的暖血型动物返回海洋生存是不难理解的。 那些已经返回海洋的哺乳动物种族繁荣。 在大约 5 千万年 间(这在地质学上不过是弹指一挥间)，返回海洋的 4 种浦乳动物之一的鲸已成为体积最庞大 的动物。 而另一种哺乳动物海豹，它的数量恐怕是地球上大型食肉哺乳动物中最大的。 这似乎表明这些海洋中的"大哥大"们人丁兴旺，一派繁荣景象。但至少在近 150 年以来，事实 并非如此。同样是暖血动物而且效率更高、适应性更强的捕食者，人类，成为这些哺乳动 物的日益迫近的威胁。

在陆地和海洋，人类都已处在巨大的生物金字塔的最顶端，成为所 有生物的主宰，并给海洋哺乳动物带来巨大的危胁。 原因很简单。 这些哺乳动物不幸成为人类所需要的一堆游动着的商品，如皮毛、油和肉。 尽管如此，如果它们不象人类一样繁 殖如此缓慢，它们对人类的掠夺也不会如此无能为力。 每年人类从海洋中捕捞约 5 千万吨 的鱼类，但这并未导致任何鱼种的灭绝。但繁殖缓慢的海洋哺乳动物却因为有了一心只想满 足一已私欲的人类而濒临。

>52 Chimpanzee

The most striking single fact about chimpanzees is the flexibility of their social life, the lack of any rigid form of organization.

It reprents about as far a departure from the baboon type of organization as one can find among the higher primates, and

rves to emphasize the great variety of primate adaptations. Chimpanzees are more human than baboons, or rather

they jibe better with the way we like to picture ourlves, as free-wheeling individuals who tend to be

unpredictable, do not take readily to any form of regimentation, and are frequently charming.(Charm is relatively rare

among baboons.) Two rearchers have described what they found during more than eight months spent among chimpanzees

in their natural habitat the forest:"We were quite surprid to obrve that there is no single distinct social unit in chimpanzee society. Not only is there no 'family' or 'harem' organization; neither is there a 'troop' organization - that

is to say, no particular chimpanzees keep permanently together. On the contrary, individuals move about at will, alone

or in small groups best described as bands, which sometimes form into large aggregations.

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They leave their associates if they want to, and join up with new ones without conflict. " The general practice is best

described as "easy come, easy go", although there are certain group-forming tendencies. As a rule

chimpanzees move about in one of four types of band: adult males only; mothers and offspring and occasionally a few other

females; adults and adolescents of both xes, but no mothers with young and reprentatives of all categories mixed

together. The composition of bands may change a number of times during the cour of a day

as individuals wander off and groups split or combine with other groups. On the other hand, certain individuals prefer one

another's company. One of the rearchers obrved that four males often roamed together over a four-month period,

and mothers often associated with their older offsprings.

黑猩猩

黑猩猩最突出的一个特征是它们社会生活的灵活性，即缺乏固定的组织形式。 它的这 一特征与狒狒的那种组织形态间的差别，在灵长动物中最为突出。 由此可见灵长类动物中 适应性变化的多样性。 黑猩猩比狒狒更接近人类，或者说它与我们心愿的自我形象更为接近：自由自在，不落窠臼，不喜欢任何形式的约束并且往往魅力十足(在狒狒中魅力比较罕 见)。 通过在黑猩猩的自然栖息地森林中对它们进行了8月的观察，两名研究人员得出这样结论："我们注意到在黑猩猩的社会中似乎没有任何一种独立的社会基本单位，这一点令 我们很吃惊。

它们不仅没有'家庭'或'妻妾'组织，也没有'团队'组织，也就是说黑猩猩没有固 定地生活在一起。 相反，每只黑猩猩随意流动，或是独自一人，或是作为最好称之为团伙 的一员。 团伙有时会与其它团伙合并成大的聚合体。 它们可以随意离开同伴，并与其它黑猩猩组成新的团伙而不会产生任何纠纷。"把黑猩猩这一总的特性称之为"来得容易去得快" 是最恰当不过了。 但它们也有一定的群体倾向性。通常，黑猩猩群的构成有以下 4 种：仅 有成年雄性； 母猩猩及其子女而且偶尔有几只其它的雌性猩猩； 雄性和雌性的成年和未成 年黑猩猩但不包括有子女的雌性黑猩猩；

以及各种类型混杂在一起。 一天之中一个团伙的 组成可能变化好几次，因为有的成员可能离开，而且群体可能会与其它群体合并。 另一方 面，有些黑猩猩有自己喜欢的伙伴。一名研究人员发现四只雄性黑猩猩在 4 个月中常常共

同游荡，还有母亲们常与她们较年长的子女们在一起。

>53 Nitinol

Nitinol is one of the most extraordinary metals to be discovered this century: A simple alloy of nickel and titanium, nitinol

has some perplexing properties. A metal with a memory, it can be made to remember any shape into which it is fashioned,

returning to that shape whenever it is example, a piece of nitinol wire bent to form a circle that is then heated and

quenched will remember this shape. It may then be bent or crumpled, but on reheating, will violently untwist,

reforming its original shape. This remarkable ability is called Shape Memory Effect(SME); other alloys, such as

brass, are known to posss it to a limited extent. No one fully understands SME, and nitinol remains particularly

perplexing, for, whenever it performs this peculiar feat, it appears to be breaking the laws of thermodynamics by springing

back into shape with greater force than was ud to deform it in the first place.

But not only is nitinol capable of remembering, it also has the ability to "learn". If the

heating-cooling-crumpling-reheating process is carried out sufficiently often, and the metal is always crumpled in exactly the

same way, the nitinol will not only remember its original shape, but gradually it learns to remember its crumpled form as well,

and will begin to return to the same crumpled shape every time it is cooled.

Eventually, the metal will crumple and uncrumple, totally unaided, in respon to changes in temperature and without any

sign of metal fatigue. Engineers have produced prototype engines that are driven by the force of nitinol springing from one

shape to another as it alternately encounters hot and cold water. The energy from the remarkable engines is, however,

not entirely free: heat energy is required to produce the temperature differences needed to run the engine.

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But the optimum temperatures at which the metal reacts can be controlled by altering the proportions of nickel to titanium;

some alloys will even perform at room temperature. The necessary temperature range between the warm and the cold can

be as little as twelve degrees centigrade.

镍钛合金镍钛诺是这个世纪所发现的最不寻常的金属之一，作为镍和钛的简单的一种合 金，镍钛诺具有一些令人惊叹的特征。 这是一种有记忆力的金属，人们可以使它记住它被 塑成的任何形状，并在加热后恢复这一形状。 比如，一节镍钛诺线圈在加热冷却后会记住 圆圈这形状。 随后它可能被弯折成其它形状，但一旦再次加热，就会迅速地自动恢复成最 初的圆圈状。 这种不寻常的能力被称为形状记忆效果(SME)。

其它一些合金如黄铜在一定程度上也具有这种特性。 目前人们对 SME 这一特性尚缺乏透彻的认识，而镍钛诺尤其使 人惊奇，因为每当它展现这一惊人的功能时，似乎都违背了热力学原理。 因为它在恢复原 有形状时所释放的力比人们使它变形所施加的力大得多。

镍钛诺不仅有记忆力，还能"学习"。 如果加热-冷却-弯曲-再加热这一过程重复一定次数，且每次冷却后它都被丝毫不差地弯 成同一形状，它不仅可以记住最初的形状，还能逐渐记住它被弯成的形状，并开始在每次冷 却时恢复这一形状。 最终，它会自动地随温度变化而弯曲和恢复这些形状，并且没有任何 疲劳迹象。 工程师们已制造出一些发动机样机，利用镍钛合金在交替遇热水和冷水时迅速改变形状所产生的力做推动力。 然而这些神奇的发动机工作时并非完全不耗能，因为必须 有热能来制造温差才能使机器运转。但人们可以通过改变合金中镍钛的比例来控制使它反 应的最佳温度。 有的镍钛合金甚至能在室温下做出反应，冷暖之间的最小温差只有 12℃。

>54 Treasure in Sunken Ships

Of the tens of thousands of ships on the ocean bottom, only a handful, less than 1 percent, contain negotiable treasure, such

as gold and jewels. Most give us a different priceless treasure -- history. A sunken ship lies in trust, prerved in the airless

environment of the a and tho in deep water are especially well protected. No dry land sites anywhere -- except

perhaps Egyptian tombs -- are in a better state of prervation than a vesl deep in the ocean. A sunken ship, therefore,

can be a rare window through which a moment in time is glimpd.

This is not to imply that sunken ships are always found intact. Most ships break up on the way down, hit the bottom at about

100 miles per hour, and become a chaotic, confusing jumble. I recall the chagrin of a novice diver who, after surfacing from

an underwater tour of a 400-foot ship, asked his diving buddy, "Where was the wreck?" It takes experience to actually know a

sunken ship when one es it. But no matter what its condition on the way down, a ship deteriorates much more

slowly as it sinks deeper into protective layers of sand and mud. Ancient vesls have been found in remarkably good

condition. In 1977 a group of marine archaeologists excavating a 900-year-old wreck recovered engraved glassware. Greek

coins, bronze kettles, and amazingly, Greek jars containing eds, almonds, and lentils -- even a plate with chicken bones.

沉船中的宝藏

在数以万计的海底沉船中，只有极少数，不到百分之一的沉船上有可流 通的财富，如黄金和珠宝。 多数沉船提供给我们的是另一种无价的财富--历史。 沉船被海 洋中没有空气的环境保管起来，躺在深水中的船只被保存得尤其完好。 大概除了埃及金字 塔外，陆地上没有哪些遗迹比深海沉船保存得更完好了。

因此，每一只沉船便成为我们探 视历史的一扇难得的窗户。 但这并不是说沉船被发现时都完好无损。 大多数船只在下沉过 程中就已破碎，并以每小时 100 英里的速度撞击海底，因此成为乱糟糟的一团。 我至今仍 记得一位潜水新手造访一艘 400 英尺长的海底沉船后浮出水面时的懊丧神情。他问他的潜水伙伴："沉船在哪儿?" 看到沉船时能知道这是一只沉船是需要经验的。 但不管船在下沉时状况如何，当它下沉到海底具有保护作用的泥沙层后，船体的朽烂速度比在陆地上要慢得多。 人们曾在海底发现过保存异常完好的古船。 1977年，一群海洋考古学家们在发掘一只有 900 年历史的沉船时，找到了雕花玻璃器皿、希腊硬币、青铜水壶，并令人吃惊地发现一些盛有种子、杏仁和扁豆等东西的希腊罐子，甚至找到一个盛有鸡骨的盘子。

>55 Creating Colors

There are two ways to create colors in a photograph. One method, called additive, starts with three basic colors and adds

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them together to produce some other colors. The cond method, called subtractive, starts with white light (a mixture of all

colors in the spectrum) and by taking away some or all other colors leaves the one desired.

In the additive method parate colored lights are combined to produce various other colors. The three additive primary

colors are green, red and blue (each proportions, about one third of the wavelengths in the total spectrum). Mixed in

varying proportions, they can produce all colors.

Green and red light mix to produce yellow, red and blue light mix to produce magenta, green and blue mix to produce

cyan. When equal parts of all three of the primary colored beams of light overlap, the mixture appears white to the

the subtractive process, colors are produced when dye (as in paint or color photographic materials) absorbs some

wavelengths and so pass on only part of the spectrum. The subtractive primaries are cyan (a blulish green), magenta (a purplish pink), and yellow; the are the pigments or dyes that absorb red, green and

blue wavelengths, respectively, thus subtracting them from white light. The dye colors are the complementary

colors to the three additive primaries of red, green and blue. Properly combined, the subtractive primaries can absorb

all colors of light, producing black. But, mixed in varying proportions they too can produce any color in the

r a particular color is obtained by adding colored lights together or by subtracting some light from

the total spectrum, the result looks the same to the eye. The additive process was employed for early color photography.

But the subtractive method, while requiring complex chemical techniques, has turned out to be more practical and is the

basis of all modern color films.

创造颜色有两种方法可以使照片具有色彩。 一种叫加色法，通过把三种基本颜色相叠 加以产生其它色彩。

另一种叫减色法，通过去除白色(其实是光谱中所有颜色相混合的结果) 中的某些或其它所有色彩而把所需的色彩留下来。 在加色法中，不同颜色的光线混合以产生其它各种色彩。 加色法三原色是绿、红和蓝(其中每一种占据总光谱中三分之一的波长)。 这三种色彩以不同比例相叠加可以产生所有色彩。绿光和红光叠加可产生黄色，红光与蓝

光叠加可产生品红色，绿光与蓝光叠加可产生青绿色。 当这三种原色光以相同比例叠加时， 眼睛所见的就成为白色。

而在减色法中，染料(比如在绘画颜料或彩色照相材料中)吸收了 部分波长而只允许分光谱通过，从而产生各种色彩。

减色法三原色是青绿色、品红(略带紫色的粉红色)和黄色； 也就是可分别吸收红光、绿光和蓝光的色料或染料，从而去除白色光 中的这些色彩。这些染料色是加色法的三原色红、绿、蓝的相互补充。

适当组合时，减色 法三原色能吸收光线中的所有色彩，产生黑色。 但当它们以不同的比例叠加时，也能产生 光谱中所有颜色。不论某种颜色是通过把不同色彩的光线叠加还是把光谱中某些颜色的光 去除掉而产生的，它的视觉效果是一样的。 早期彩色摄影采用加色法。 但减色法尽管需要复杂的化学技术，最终比前者更加实用，并成为现代彩色电影的基础。

>56 The Organic Foods

Are organically grown foods the best food choices? The advantages claimed for such foods over conventionally grown and marketed food products are now being debated. Advocates of organic foods -- a term who meaning varies

greatly -- frequently proclaim that such products are safer and more nutritious than others.

The growing interest of consumers in the safety and nutritional quality of the typical North American diet is a welcome

development. However, much of this interest has been sparked by sweeping claims that the food supply is unsafe or

inadequate in meeting nutritional needs. Although most of the claims are not supported by scientific evidence, the

preponderance of written material advancing such claims makes it difficult for the general public to parate fact from fiction.

As a result, claims that eating a diet consisting entirely of organically grown foods prevents or cure dia or provides other

benefits to health have become widely publicized and form the basis for folklore.

Almost daily the public is besieged by claims for "no-aging" diets, new vitamins and other wonder foods. There are

numerous unsubstantiated reports that natural vitamins are superior to synthetic ones, that fertilized eggs

are nutritionally superior to unfertilized eggs, that untreated grains are better than fumigated grains and the thing

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that most organically grown food products em to have in common is that they cost more than conventionally grown

foods. But in many cas consumers are misled if they believe organic foods can maintain health and

provide better nutritional quality than conventionally grown foods. So there is real cau for concern if consumers

particularly tho with limited incomes, distrust the regular food supply and buy only expensive organic foods instead.

绿色食品绿色食品是最佳食物吗?有人认为绿色食品比通过常规方式生产和销售的食品 有更多的优越性，然而现在却有人对此提出异议。 绿色食品--这一词的用法非常不统一-- 支持者往往声称绿色食品比其它食品更安全，营养价值更高。 北美的消费者们越来越关注 他们的日常饮食是否安全和有营养。 这一发展趋势是好的。 然而这种关注多半是由一些武 断的说法引起的，即食物供应不安全或不能提供足够的营养。

尽管这些说法多数未被科学 证实，但是由于大量文章支持这一观点，使得普通群众难辨真伪。 因此那些认为只食用绿色食品就能防治疾病或增进健康的观点便广为人知，并导致一些不科学的做法和习惯。 公众几乎每天都被"抗衰老"食品、新型维生素以及其它具有神奇功效的食物广告所包围。 声称天然维生素优于人造维生素，受精蛋比未受精蛋的营养价值更高，未经薰蒸消毒处理的谷 物比经过处理的好等等诸如此类的报道屡见不鲜，但没有一篇是经过证实的。

大多数绿色 食品有一共同点，即它们的价格高于以常规方式种植的食物。 但在许多情况下，如果消费者认为绿色食品能预防疾病且营养价值高于以常规方式生产的食品，那么他们被误导了。如果消费者们，尤其是那些收入有限的消费者们，怀疑传统食品而只购买更昂贵的绿色食品， 那就值得担忧了。

>57 Lighthous

The first navigational lights in the New World were probably lanterns hung at harbor entrances. The

first lighthou was put up by the Massachutts Bay Colony in 1716 on Little Brewster Island at the entrance to Boston Harbor. Paid for and maintained by "light dues" levied on ships, the original beacon was blown up in 1776. By then

there were only a dozen or so true lighthous in the colonies. Little over a century later, there were 700 lighthous.

The first light erected on the West Coast in the 1850's featured the same basic New England design: a Cape Cod dwelling

with the tower rising from the center or standing clo by. In New England and elwhere, though, lighthous reflected

a variety of architectural styles. Since most stations in the Northeast were built on rocky eminences, enormous towers were

not the rule. Some were made of stone and brick, others of wood or metal. Some stood on pilings or stilts; some were

fastened to rock with iron rods. Farther south, from Maryland through the Florida Keys, the coast was low and sandy. It was

often necessary to build tall towers there - massive structures like the majestic Cape Hatteras, North Carolina, lighthou,

which was lit in 1870. At 190 feet, it is the tallest brick lighthou in the country.

Notwithstanding differences in appearance and construction, most American lighthous shared veral

features: a light, living quarters and sometimes a bell (or later, a foghorn).They also had something el in common: a

keeper and, usually, the keeper's family. The keeper's esntial task was trimming the lantern wick in order to

maintain a steady, bright flame. The earliest keepers came from every walk of life - they were amen, farmers,

mechanics, rough mill hands - and appointments were often handed out by local customs commissioners as political plums.

After the administration of lighthous was taken over in 1852 by the United States Lighthou Board, an agency of

the Treasury Department, the keeper corps gradually became highly professional.

灯塔在新大陆上，最初的航标灯要算那些挂在港湾入口的提灯了吧。 最初的灯塔是1716 年由马萨诸塞湾殖民地在波士顿港入口一个叫小布罗斯特的岛上建起的。 这最初的灯 塔是通过向船只征收"买光钱"来维持运作的，于 1776

年被炸毁。 那时，在各殖民地，真正 的灯塔仅有十几个。 但过了一个世纪多一点，灯塔就增至七百多个了。 1850

年，在西部沿海建起的首座灯塔基本上沿袭了新英格兰灯塔的设计方案，即那种中心或周围升起塔楼的 典型的哥德角式房子。新英格兰与其它一些地方的灯塔在建筑风格上是多样化的。 在东北 部，灯塔大都建在石质的高地上，因此塔身不需要太高。 它们有砖石结构的； 也有木材或金属结构的，有的灯塔建在支架上，有的则用铁条固定在岩石上。 在更南方的地区，从马里兰到弗罗里达礁群的海岸地势低平且多为沙质，因此高大的塔身就很必要了。 例《写作160篇》全面涵盖当年可考话题，经典话题精心选材，

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如 1870 年在北卡罗来纳的哈特拉角建的宏伟的大灯塔，高达 190英尺，是全美最高的砖结构灯塔。 虽然美国的灯塔在外观和结构上存在一些差异，但它们确有些共同之处，比如都有灯标、有 住房、有时还有钟(后来改用雾角)。

此外，还有一个相同之处，那就是都有守塔人，通常 是守塔人全家。 守塔人的基本工作就是修剪灯蕊，以便火焰明亮而稳定。 最早的守塔人来自各种行业：海员、农民、技工和干粗活的。 这个职位通常是作为政治回报由地方海关官 员决定任命。 但在 1852年后，财政部下属的美国灯塔管理委员会接管了所有灯塔，守塔人 这支队伍也逐渐趋向专业化了。

>58 Animals' Compass

Rearchers have found that migrating animals u a variety of inner compass to help them navigate. Some steer by the

position of the Sun. Others navigate by the stars. Some u the Sun as their guide during the day and then switch to star

navigation by night. One study shows that the homing pigeon us the Earth's magnetic fields as a guide in finding its

way home and there are indications that various other animals from incts to mollusks, can also make u of magnetic

compass. It is of cour very uful for a migrating bird to be able to switch to a magnetic compass when clouds cover

the Sun; otherwi it would just have to land and wait for the Sun to come out with the Sun or stars to steer by,

the problems of navigation are more complicated than they might em at first. For example, a worker honeybee that has

found a rich source of nectar and pollen flies rapidly home to the hive to report. A naturalist has discovered that the bee scout

delivers her report through a complicated dance in the hive, in which she tells the other workers not only how far away

the food is, but also what direction to fly in relation to the Sun. But the Sun does not stay in one place all day. As the

workers start out to gather the food, the Sun may already have changed its position in the sky somewhat. In later trips

during the

day, the Sun will em to move farther and farther toward the west. Yet the worker bees em to have no trouble at all in

finding the food source. Their inner clocks tell them just where the Sun will be and they change their cour correspondingly.

动物的罗盘

研究人员已经发现迁徙性动物可以借助各种各样的体内罗盘来校正方向。 有些动物借 助太阳的位置辨别方向，有些则依靠星星。 还有的白天利用太阳，晚上利用星星。 有研究 发现信鸽以地磁场为向导来找到回家的路。 还有迹象表明许许多多其它生物，从昆虫到软体动物，也能利用这种磁场罗盘。 具有这种磁场罗盘，对候鸟来说当然非常有用，因为如果乌云遮日，它可以以磁场为向导继续飞行，否则它就只好着陆，等待太阳重新出现。 即 使是借助太阳或星星导航，其中的学问也比它表面看起来的要复杂得多。

例如，一只工蜂 找到了花圃蜜园，急忙飞回蜂房报信。博物学家发现这只蜂探在蜂房里跳了一段极为复杂的舞，通过这段舞她不但告诉其它工蜂食物有多远，而且报告了以太阳为参照的飞行路线。 但 太阳不会呆在天上不动。当蜂群出发采食时，太阳可能已经多少改变了它在天空中的位置。 出发得越迟，太阳就越偏西，可这似乎没给寻找食物源的工蜂们带来任何不便。 它们体内的时钟告诉他们太阳应在的位置，据此它们相应地改变前进的方向。

>59 Muscles and Human

Body It is in the joints of the human body that movements of the bones take place. The movement itlf is

caud by the pull of sheets and cords of very tough tissue called muscle. Muscle tissue has the special ability to

shorten itlf so that the bone on which it pulls has to move. When muscle tissue shortens, it also bunches up. Muscle

tissue covers the body in sheets and bands that lie between the skin and the skeleton. The bones are the framework of the

body, but the muscles fill out the body shape. Most muscles extend from one bone to another. When the muscle between the

bones shortens, one bone has to move. The point where the muscle is fastened to the unmoving bone is called the origin

of the muscle, whereas the point where the muscle is not fastened to the bone that is to be moved is called the inrtion.

Sometimes the muscle is not attached directly to the bone but to a tough, nonstretchable cord, or tendon, that is attached to the

bone. Muscles do not push; they can only pull. To bend the arm at the elbow, the muscle at the front of the upper arm has to

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shorten and bunch up. To unbend the arm other muscles in the back of the arm have to shorten. The two ts of muscles -

the front and the back - are said to act in opposition to each other. When one t is working, the other t is usually relaxed.

But there are times when both of them work. Sometimes muscles are called upon to do more than simply pull in one direction.

They may have to perform a turning motion. To be able to do this, the muscle must be attached to the bone at an angle. By

pulling, the muscle can cau the bone to pivot. A few muscles have special functions. The diaphragm, for example, forces the

lungs to take in air. This part of breathing is not primarily a bone moving operation.

肌肉和人体 骨骼运动发生在人体的关节部位。这种运动是由称为肌肉的片状或条状的 强韧组织拖动而引起的。 肌肉组织有一种特殊的收缩能力，可以带动与之相连的骨骼。 肌 肉在收缩的同时，也会聚成团。 肌肉以条状或片状形式布满全身，存在于皮肤与骨架之间。骨骼是身体的支架，而肌肉则构成了人的体形。 大多数肌肉接两块骨头，但当肌肉收缩时 只有一块骨头运动。 肌肉与不动骨相连的一端叫肌起端，与动骨相连的一端叫附着端。 有 些肌肉不与骨骼直接相连，而是连着附在骨骼上的不能收缩的带状组织或腱上。 肌肉不能推动而只能拉动骨骼。 要从肘部弯曲手臂，就要收缩上臂正面的肌肉。 要伸直手臂，背面 的肌肉就得收缩。这两组肌肉，正面的和背面的，称为相反运动肌肉。 当一组工作时，另 一组就休息。 但有时它们也一起工作。 有时我们要求肌肉不仅仅做简单的单向拖动。 它 们需要转动。 但只有当肌肉与骨骼形成一定角度时，它们才能转动，从而拖动骨骼绕某个 轴旋转。 有几块肌肉的作用较特殊，例如隔膜肌。它带动肺部吸入空气。 呼吸基本上不 是骨骼运动带动的。

>60 Colds and Age

A critical factor that plays a part in susceptibility to colds is age. A study done by the University of Michigan School of

Public Health revealed particulars that em to hold true for the general population. Infants are the most cold ridden

group, averaging more than six colds in their first years. Boys have more colds than girls up to age three. After the age of

three, girls are more susceptible than boys, and teenage girls average three colds a year to boys' two. The general incidence of

colds continues to decline into maturity. Elderly people who are in good health have as few as one or two colds annually.

One exception is found among people in their twenties, especially women, who show a ri in cold infections, becau

people in this age group are most likely to have young children. Adults who delay having children until their thirties and

forties experience the same sudden increa in cold infections. The study also found that economics plays an important role.

As income increas, the frequency at which colds are reported in the family decreas. Families with the lowest income

suffer about a third more colds than families at the upper end. Lower income generally forces people to live in more

cramped quarters than tho typically occupied by wealthier people, and crowding increas the opportunities for the cold

virus to travel from person to person. Low income may also adverly influence diet. The degree to which poor

nutrition affects susceptibility to colds is not yet clearly established, but an inadequate diet is suspected of lowering resistance

generally.

感冒与年龄

年龄是人们是否易患感冒的一个重要因素。 密歇根大学公共卫生学院揭示了一些对人 们普遍适用的细节。婴儿期是最易感冒的时期，从出生到一周岁平均感冒六次。 在三周岁 前，男孩比女孩感冒次数要多。 但三周岁后，女孩就更易感冒了。 十几岁的女孩年平均感冒三次，男孩则为两次。 一般说来，随着年龄的增长，感冒的次数也越来越少。 健康的老 年人每年只感冒一至两次或更少。但在二十至三十岁之间的人尤其是妇女出现了例外。 他 们感冒的次数有所增加，其原因在于人们通常在这一时期带养小孩。 那些晚育至三十几岁或四十几岁才有孩子的人，在那一时期感冒次数也会突然增加。 研究还发现，经济状况与 感冒息息相关。 随着收入的增加，家庭成员的感冒次数呈下降趋势。 家境贫寒的人感冒次 数要比最富裕的人多三分之一。 低收入者被迫挤住在比富人居所狭小得多的空间里。 拥挤 的状况为感冒病菌的传播提供了条件。低收入同样不利于合理的饮食结构。 营养不良到底 对患感冒造成多大的影响目前尚不清楚，但不合理的饮食通常降低了人体的抵抗力。

>61 Pottery

Ancient people made clay pottery becau they needed it for their survival. They ud the pots they made for cooking,

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storing food, and carrying things from place to place. Pottery was so important to early cultures that scientists now study it to

learn more about ancient civilizations. The more advanced the pottery in terms of decoration, materials, glazes and

manufacture, the more advanced the culture artisan who makes pottery in North America today

utilizes his or her skill and imagination to create items that are beautiful as well as functional,

transforming something ordinary into something special and potter us one of the Earth's most basic

materials, clay. Clay can be found almost anywhere. Good pottery clay must be free from all small stones and other hard

materials that would make the potting process difficult. Most North American artisan potters now purcha

commercially procesd clay, but some find the clay they need right in the earth clo to where they most important

tools potters u are their own hands; however, they also u wire loop tools, wooden modeling tools, plain wire, and

sponges. Plain wire is ud to cut away the finished pot from its ba on the potter's a finished pot is dried

of all its moisture in the open air, it is placed in a kiln and fired. The first firing hardens the pottery, and it is then ready to be

glazed and fired areas where they do not want any glaze, such as the bottom of the pot, artisans paint on melted wax

that will later burn off in the kiln. They then pour on the liquid glaze and let it run over the clay surface, making any kind

of decorative pattern that they want.

陶器古代人制作陶器是因为他们的生存需要它。 他们用这些自制的盆盆罐罐来做饭、 装食物、储运东西。 陶器在早期文化中占据了如此重要的地位，以致于科学家们现在通过 研究陶器来获取对古代文明的更多的了解。 因为陶器的装饰、材料、釉彩、制作等工艺越 发达就说明这种文明越发达。 今天，北美的陶艺匠人运用他们的技艺和想象力创造出了既 美观又实用的陶艺制品，把日常用品变为独特的艺术品。制陶匠人使用大地上最基本的原

材料--粘土。 粘土几乎随处可见，但好的制陶所用的粘土必须不含小沙粒或任何硬物，否 则会给制陶过程带来不便。 现在大多数北美制陶艺人买现成的专用陶土，也有些陶匠乐于 就地取材，在作坊附近自己挖粘土。 制陶器最重要的工具是工匠们自己的双手，但有时他们也用些别的工具，如绳圈、木模、素线、海绵等。 素线的作用是当一件陶器完成后用它 把陶器从转盘上的基座上切下来。

陶器成形后，首先要在空气中自然风干，再放到窑中焙 烧。 第一遍焙烧使得陶器变得坚硬，下一步就是给它上釉彩，然后再焙烧。 陶器上有些地方不需上釉彩，像罐子底部，匠人们就在这些部位涂上蜡，一加热就会化掉。 然后匠人们 把釉彩液体浇上陶器表面，绘制他们想要的任何图案。

>62 Mimicry in Plants

Plant adaptations can be remarkably complex. Certain species of orchids, for instance, imitate female bees, other plants look

and smell like dead animals, and still others have the appearance of stones. The strange adaptations to life reprent just a

few of the sophisticated means by which plants enhance their chances of survival. Mimicry in plants or animals is a three part system. There is a model: the animal, plant or substrate being initiated. There is a mimic: the organism that imitates

the model. And there is a signal receiver or dupe: the animal that cannot effectively distinguish between the

model and the mimic. Mimetic traits may include morphological structures, color patterns, behaviors or other

attributes of the mimic that promote its remblance to a model. That model may be either an unrelated species or an

inanimate object, such as the background against which an organism spends most of its time. Mimicry is not an active

strategy on the part of an individual plant; flowers do not deliberately trick or deceive animals into visiting them. Mimicry

aris as the result of evolution through natural lection and the occurrence of random genetic mutations that

lead over many generations to the appearance of favorable characteristics. If such traits help to camouflage a

plant, for example, the plant is likely to have a survival advantage over other plants that are less well camouflaged. The

plant will leave more descendants, thereby passing the advantage to the next generation. For natural lection to favor the

evolution of mimicry, the mimicry must derive a reproductive advantage from modeling itlf after another organism or object:

its fitness, measured as the number of offspring produced that survive into the next generation, must be incread as the result

of deception.

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植物拟态植物的适应性极为复杂。某种兰花模仿雌蜂，还有些植物看上去或嗅起来象 死去的动物，更有些植物具有石头的外表。 这些稀奇古怪的适应性不过是植物的众多求生 手段中的一小部分罢了。 动植物的拟态包括三方面的内容：一是被模仿者，动物，植物或是生态基层，二是模仿者，即那些去模拟其它东西的生物，三是上当受骗者，即不能分辨模 仿者与被模仿者的动物。被模仿特征包括形态结构，色彩花纹，动作习性或其它模仿者实 现它与被模仿者相似的特点。 被模仿者可以是其它种类的生物或非生命物，如栖居地的环境。拟态并非某个植物主动的策略。 花朵并非故意诱骗动物来访。 拟态是无数代自然选 择和遗传变异的进化而获得的有利特征的结果。 比如，有些特征有利于伪装，那么具有这 些特征的植物就比不具有的易于生存。 这种植物就会有更多的后代，并把这些特征代代相 传。要让自然选择惠顾模仿者的进化，模仿者必须在模仿其它生物或物体中得到繁殖优势： 它的适应能力，以存活至下一代的幼兽的数目来衡量，必定因为欺骗而加强了。

>63 Oil and Water

To understand the emulsifying process, we must first accept the scientific principle that oil and water do not naturally mix.

Quite literally, they find each other's prence repulsive. A good illustration of this aversion is homemade oil and vinegar salad you shake or beat your salad dressing, you do more than disper the oil throughout the

vinegar: you also break down the oil into droplets minute enough to remain temporarily suspended in the vinegar (which from

now on we will call water, becau that tart condiment is in effect mainly water). The cond you stop agitating the

dressing, the oil droplets start to combine into units too large to be suspended in the water, and thus

slither their way upward, parating from the water in the process. The oil ris to the top and the water sinks becau oil has

a lower specific density than water. If you want a stable emulsion, you need an emulsifying agent which prevents the oil

droplets from combining into larger units. Emulsifying agents occur naturally in many animal substances

including egg yolks and milk. An emulsifying agent helps to keep the oil particles from combining in three basic ways. First,

the agent coats the oil, rving as a physical barrier between the droplets. Second, it reduces the water's surface tension, which,

in turn, reduces the water's ability to repul oil. Third, the agent gives the surfaces of the oil droplets identical electrical

charges; since like charges repel each other the

droplets repel each other.

油和水为理解乳化过程的发生，我们必须首先认识到这样一条科学原理：水和油不能自 然混合，它们实实在在互相排斥。 家制的油醋沙拉调料就是一个好例子。 当你搅拌沙拉调 料时，你不仅使油扩散到醋里，而且使油滴被搅得很小可以悬浮在醋中(自此我们改称它为 水，因为事实上这种酸性调味品的主要成份就是水)。 一旦你停止了搅动，油滴就会凝聚， 大到再也不能悬浮在水中时，它们就向上滑动出来而与水分离了。 因为油的密度小，所以 油会浮在水上。 如果想得到稳定的乳化，就需要一种乳化剂。 它可以不让油形成大的油滴。 自然界中，很多动物体中含有乳化剂，如蛋黄和牛奶。 乳化剂可以从以下三方面阻止油滴 凝聚。 一、 乳化剂包裹住油滴，在油滴间形成一道物质屏障。 二、 乳化剂降低水的表面 张力，从而降低了水排斥油的能力。 三、 乳化剂使油滴表面带上了同种电荷，因为同种电 荷互相排斥，油滴之间也相互排斥。

>64 Salt and Metabolism

Just how salt became so crucial to our metabolism is a mystery; one appealing theory traces our dependence on it to the

chemist ry of the late Cambrian as. It was there, a half billion years ago, that tiny metazoan organisms first evolved

systems for questering and circulating fluids. The water of the early oceans might thus have become the chemical prototype

for the fluids of all animal life - the medium in which cellular operations could continue no matter how the external

environment changed. This speculation is bad on the fact that, even today, the blood rums of radically divergent species

are remarkably similar. Lizards, platypus, sheep, and humans could hardly be more different in anatomy or eating habits,

yet the salt content in the fluid surrounding their blood cells is virtually identical. As early marine specics made their way to

fresh water and eventually to dry land, sodium remained a key ingredient of their interior, if not their exterior,

milieu. The most successful mammalian species would have been tho that developed efficient hormonal systems for

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maintaining the needed sodium concentrations. The human body, for example, us the hormones renin,

angiotensin, and aldosterone to retain or relea tissue fluids and blood plasma. The result, under favorable conditions, is a

dynamic equilibrium in which neither fluid volume nor sodium concentration fluctuates too dramatically. But if the body

is deprived of salt, the effects soon become dangerous, despite compensatory mechanisms.

盐与新

陈代谢盐为何成为人类新陈代谢的关键是一个谜；一个富有吸引力的理论认为我们对盐的依 赖可从寒武纪海洋的化学变化中得到线索。 五亿年前，就是在那里，微小的后生动物首先 进化成与外隔绝的循环液体系统。 因此，早期海洋里的水可能是所有动物体内液体的化学原型--一个无论外界环境如何改变，其细胞活动仍将继续的环境。 这个设想是建立这一事 实基础上： 即使是在今天，物种迥异的众多动物血清非常相似。 蜥蜴、鸭嘴兽、绵羊和人 类，在解剖学和饮食习惯上完全不同，但细胞周围的液体中的盐含量却基本上是相等的。 在海洋生物向淡水区域并最终向陆地移动的过程中，盐始终是它们生存环境--如果不是外部环 境，其码也是内部环境中的关键成份。 最高级的哺乳类动物为保持所需的盐浓度而进化出 了高效的内分泌系统。 例如，人体为了保留或释放组织液体和血浆而使用高血压蛋白原酶、 血管紧张素、醛固酮等激素。 这样在有利的环境下，液体与其中盐浓度之间形成的动态平 衡，两者均不致出现大起大落。 但如果身体里丧失了的盐分，尽管有各种的补偿机制，后 果将马上极其危险。

>65 The Early Settlers in North America

The North American frontier changed some of the characteristics of the pioneers of the 1750's and intensified others.

They were, as a group, militerate, proud,and stubborn, as dogged in their insistence on their own way of life as pine roots

cracking granite to grow. Perhaps their greatest resource was their capacity to endure. They outlasted recurrent plagues of

smallpox and malaria and a steady progression of natural accidents. They were incredibly prolific.

Squire Boone's family of eight children was small by frontier standards. James Roberson, an eventual neighbor of

Boone's and the founder of Nashville, had eleven children. Twice married John Sevier, the first governor of Tenne,

fathered eighteen; his longtime enemy, John Tipton, also twice married, produced venteen. The entire asts of one of the

huge families often amounted, in the beginning, to little more than an axe, a hunting knife, an auger, a rifle, a hor or two,

some cattle and a few pigs, a sack of corn ed and another of salt, perhaps a crosscut saw, and a loom. Tho who moved

first into a new region lived for months at a time on wild meat, Indian maize, and native fruits in ason. Yet if they were poor

at the beginning, they confidently expected that soon they would be rich. In a way almost impossible to define to urban

dwellers, a slice of ground suitable for farming reprented not just dollars and cents, but dignity. The obssion

brought shiploads of yearners every week to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charles Towne, and Savannah. It

nt them streaming westward into the wilderness after their predecessors to rai still more children who wanted still more

land.

北美早期殖民者北美的边远地区改变了 18 世纪 50 年代拓荒者的一些特点，而强化了他们的另一些特点。 作为一个整体，他们是半文盲，高傲并且顽固。 他们坚持自己的生活方 式就象松树根在花岗石中爆缝生长。也许，他们最大的资源是忍耐能力。 他们熬过了经常 性的天花、疟疾等瘟疫及一系列自然灾难。 他们出奇地多育。 依他们的标准，斯夸尔布恩 有八个孩子是少的了。 最后成了布恩的邻居并且是那士维的建造者的詹姆士·罗伯逊有 11 个孩子。 曾结过两次婚的约翰·塞维尔--田纳西州的第一位州长，生了 18 个孩子，他长期 的仇敌，约翰·提普敦也结过两次婚并有 17 个孩子。 最初，在这些庞大的家庭中，全部的 财产合起来也不过是一把斧头、一把猎刀和一根钻子，一条步枪，一两匹马，牛和猪，一袋 玉米种子和一袋盐，或可能还有一把锯子和一台织布机。 那些新到一个地区的人们一连数 月靠野味、印第安玉米和季节性野果维持生活。然而，即使最初很贫穷，他们自信很快就 会富起来。 一块适合耕种的土地不仅仅代表着金钱，更意味着尊严。 这一点是无法向城市 居民解释的。 这一固执的想法每周都将整船整船的渴望者带往波士顿、纽约、费城、巴尔 的摩、查尔斯城和萨瓦那。 跟随着他们的先行者，这些渴望的人们象潮水一般涌向荒野，去生养更多的子女，而这些子女又将需求更多的土地。

>66 Plants in the Derts

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Some cacti, like the saguaro, grow to tree size, but true trees need more moisture than most dert environments can supply,

so they are scarce on

derts. Clo to streambeds, cottonwoods can sometimes be found. Though the streams are dry most of the year, water

flows there longest and is usually available fairly clo to the surface. Elwhere, trees must nd taproots deep into the hard

baked dert soil to draw on underground water. Perhaps the most widespread family of trees on the world's derts is the

acacia, who taproots drill down as far as 25 feet(7. 5 meters). The mesquite common on North American derts in both tree

and shrub forms, does not begin to grow above ground until its root system is completely developed, ensuring the plant a

supply of moisture. The roots of shrubs and trees help to hold the dert soil in place. Their stalks and branches also act as

screens to keep the wind from sweeping great drifts of sand along the surface. The rvices are vital if a dert is to support

life. Scientists estimate that a dert needs year round plant cover over 20 to 40 percent of its surface. If shrubs are too far

apart - parated by a distance greater than five times their height - soil around them is likely to blow away. Without the

shelter of established shrubs, new edlings will have difficulty in getting a start. On the other hand, plants that are too clo

together may compete for underground moisture. To protect themlves from this competition some shrubs give off a

substance that kills young plants that sprout too clo to them. In addition to a few varieties of trees and tough shrubs, most

derts have grass, herbs, and other annual plants. The do not compete for moisture with the longer lived growth. They

spring up quickly after rains, when the surface is moist. Then, for a brief time, the dert can be literally carpeted with color.

Almost as quickly as they appeared, the small plants die away. But they have developed special ways of ensuring the life of

another generation when rains come again.

沙漠中的植物一些仙人掌，如撒瓜罗，能长到象树那么高。 但真正的树却需要比大多数沙漠所能提供的更多的水份，所以树在沙漠里是鲜见的。在小溪河床附近，有时能发现三 角叶杨。尽管一年的大多数时间里这些小溪都是干涸的，那里却是水流得时间最长的地方 而且水份相当靠近地表。 其它地方树木的主根必须深入受炙烤而坚硬的沙漠底部的土壤以 吸取地下水。 在沙漠里分布最广的树或许是刺魏，其主根能深达 25 英尺(合 7 5 米)。 牧豆树属植物不论是乔木和灌木，在北美沙漠中常常可见，在它根部系统完全生长发达到能保 证提供充足的水分时才长出地面。

灌木和树的根有助于固定沙漠中的土壤，它们的茎和树 枝同时起屏障的作用，防止风从沙漠表面吹起大堆的沙。 如果沙漠要支持生命，这种作用 必不可少。 科学家估计一年之中植物必须覆盖沙漠表面的 20%到 40%。 如果灌木间隔太 远--大于它们高度的 5 倍--周围的土壤就可能被吹走。 如果没有这些灌木作为保护，新的种 子很难生长。 另一方面，植物相互靠得太近却会引起竞争地下水分。 为避免竞争，一些灌木会释放一种物质来杀死那些距他们太近发芽的植物。 除了一些种类的树木和顽强的灌木 外，大多数沙漠里还有青草、草本植物和其它年生植物。

它们并不与长期生长的树木竞争 水份。当雨后地表还潮湿时它们就迅速发芽，然后在一个短时间里，给沙漠铺上绿色地毯。 这些小植物很快就消失了，几乎就象它们长出来时那样迅速，但它们已发展了特殊方式来保 证在下次降雨来时下一代的生命。

>67 The American Civil War

The military aspect of the United States Civil War has always attracted the most attention from scholars. The roar of

gunfire, the masd movements of uniformed men, the shrill o f bugles, and the drama of hand to hand combat have

facinated students of warfare for a century. Behind the lines, however, life was less spectacular. It was the story of back breaking labor to provide the fighting men with food and arms, of nerve tingling uncertainty about the cour of

national events, of heartbreak over sons or brothers or husbands lost in battle. If the men on the firing

line won the victories, the means to tho victories were forged on the home front. Never in the nation's history had

Americans worked harder for victory than in the Civil War. Northerners and Southerners alike threw themlves into

the task of supplying their respective armies. Both governments made tremendous demands upon

civilians and, in general, received willing cooperations. By 1863 the Northern war economy was rumbling along in

high gear. Everything from steamboats to shovels was needed and produced. Denied Southern cotton, textile mills

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turned to wool for blankets and uniforms. Hides by the hundreds of thousands were turned into shoes and harness and

saddles; ironworks manufactured locomotives, ordnance, armor plate. Where private enterpri lagged, the

government t up its own factories or arnals. Agriculture boomed, with machinery doing the job of farm workers drawn

into the army. In short, everything that a nation needed to fight a modern war was produced in uncounted numbers. Inevitably

there were profiteers with gold headed canes and flamboyant diamond stickpins, but for every

crooked tycoon there were thousands of ordinary citizens living on fixed incomes who did their best to cope with rising prices

and still make a contribution to the war effort. Tho who could bought war bonds; others knitted, wed, nurd, or lent any

other assistance in their power.

美国内战美国内战中的军事方面一直最吸引学者们的注意。 轰隆的炮声、大规模 的阵式，尖锐的军号和白刃战的场面，已吸引了战争研究者们一个世纪。 然而，在后方， 生活却没有这般壮观。那里的故事就是为作战的提供食物和武装而做劳累至极的工作， 对国家事态的焦虑和对在战争中失去丈夫、兄弟和儿子的撕心裂肺。 如果说前线的人们获 得了胜利，那胜利的手段就要归功于后方的人们。 在其历史上，美国人从来没有象在内战 中那样为夺取胜利而如此努力。南方人和北方人一样投入到为各自军队供应物资的任务中。 双方政府对民众都提出巨大的要求，总的来说，得到了极积的合作。 到了 1863 年，北方战 时经济呈高速运转，从蒸气船到铁锹，一切都需要并且生产出来。 由于没有了南方产的棉花，纺织工厂纷纷转用毛料生产毯子和军衣。 几十万件的皮革制成了鞋、挽具和马鞍。 铁 厂生产出机车、大炮、装甲板。 私营企业不足以承担的方面，政府就成立自己的工厂和兵 工厂。

农业迅猛发展，因为农场工人参军后机械代替了手工。 总之，国家参加现代战争所 需的多得数不清的物资都生产出来了。 不可避免地出现了一些手持镀金手杖，戴着耀眼的 钻石别针的投资商。 但每有一个奸诈的富翁就有成千上万的普通市民。 他们依靠固定的收 入尽他们最大的努力应付着上涨的物价，为战争做着贡献。 那些有能力的人购买战争债券， 其他的人编织、缝补衣服，护理伤病人或做其它一切他们力所能及的工作。

>68 Women in Colonial North America

The status of women in colonial North America has been well studied and described and can be briefly summarized.

Throughout the colonial period there was a marked shortage of women, which varied with the regions and was always

greatest in the frontier areas. This favorable ratio enhanced women's status and position and allowed them to pursue different

careers.

The Puritans, the religious ct that dominated the early british colonies in North America, regarded idleness as a sin, and

believed that life in an underdeveloped country made it absolutely necessary that each member of the community perform an

economic function. Thus work for women, married or single, was not only approved, it was regarded as a civic duty.

Puritan town councils expected widows and unattached women to be lf supporting and for a long

time provided needy spinsters with parcels of land. There was no social sanction against married women working; on the

contrary, wives were expected to help their husbands in their trade and won social approval for doing extra work in or out of

the home. Needy children, girls as well as boys, were indentured or apprenticed and were expected to work for their keep. The

vast majority of women worked within their homes, where their labor produced most articles needed for the family. The entire

colonial production of cloth and clothing and partially that of shoes was in the hands of women. In addition to the

occupations, women were found in many different kinds of employment. They were butchers, silversmiths, gunsmiths

and upholsterers. They ran mills, plantations, tanyards, shipyards, and every kind of shop, tavern, and

boardinghou. They were gatekeepers, jail keepers, xtons, journalists, printers, apothecaries, midwives, nurs, and

teachers.

北美殖民时期的妇女北美殖民时期女性的社会地位曾得到过深入研究和描述，并可简短 概括。

整个殖民时期，女性人数明显不足，各地情况不尽相同，在边远地区尤其缺少。 这 种对女性有利的比例提高了她们的社会地位和职位，使她们能追求不同的事业。清教徒是 早期英属殖民地的宗教主流。 它视懒惰为犯罪，认为在不发达农村社区的每一个成员都必 须发挥经济作用。所以已婚或单身女性工作不仅是许可的，而且被认为是公民的《写作160篇》全面涵盖当年可考话题，经典话题精心选材，

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