MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
edited by Friedrich Engels Transcribed by allen lutins with assistance from
Jim Tarzia
CHAPTER I. BOURGEOIS AND
PROLETARIANS
The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and rf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppresd, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending class.
In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, rfs; in almost all of the class, again, subordinate gradations.
你好用英语怎么写
The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with clash antagonisms. It has but established new class, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, posss, however, this distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms: Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great class, directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.
From the rfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From the burgess the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed.
The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and Chine markets,
the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increa in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impul never before known, and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.
The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production was monopolid by clod guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its
用英文介绍春节place. The guild-masters were pushed on one side by the manufacturing middle class; division of labour between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of labour in each single workshop.
忠于职守的意思Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machinery revolutionid industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the place of the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.
Modern industry has established the world-market, for which the discovery of America paved the way. This market has given an immen development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This development has, in its time, reacted on the extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, incread its capital, and pushed into the background every class handed down from the Middle Ages.
We e, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itlf the product of a long cour of development, of a ries of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange.高三家长寄语简短
Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding political advance of that class. An oppresd class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and lf-governing association in the mediaeval commune; here independent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany), there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as in France), afterwards, in the period of manufacture proper, rving either the mi-
feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoi against the nobility, and, in fact, corner-stone of the great monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment of Modern Industry and of the world-market, conquered for itlf, in the modern reprentative State, exclusive political sway. The executive of the modern State is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.
The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part.
The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural superiors," and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked lf-interest, than callous "cash payment." It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chiv
alrous enthusiasm, of philistine ntimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value. And in place of the numberless and feasible chartered freedoms, has t up that single, unconscionable freedom -- Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.
闭组词The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage labourers.
The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its ntimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation.
The bourgeoisie has disclod how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which Reactionists so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been the first to show what man's activity can bring about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exodus of nations and crusades.
The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments of production, and th
孙家钟>上行文是指
ereby the relations of production, and
伪楚
with them the whole relations of society. Conrvation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial class. Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober ns, his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.
The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chas the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, ttle everywhere, establish connexions everywhere.
The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world-market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-established national industrie
s have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, who introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilid nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries who products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the productions of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national clusion and lf-sufficiency, we have intercour in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there aris a world literature.
The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immenly facilitated means of communication, draws
