首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、敬重的牧师、各位公民：今日我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个完毕，也象征着一个开端，表示了一种更新，也表示了一种变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄重誓言。此时此刻的世界已大不一样了，人类的巨手驾驭着既能歼灭人间的各种贫困，又能歼灭人间的各种生活的力气。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地照旧有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利井非来自国家的大方，而是来自上帝恩施。
今日，我们不敢遗忘我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的挚友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在斗争中受过熬炼，在困难困苦的和平常期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到傲慢——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今日仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋歼灭。结论英语
让每个国家都知道——不管它渴望我们旺盛还是渴望我们衰落——为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何困难，支持任何挚友，反抗任何敌人。
这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证。
对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证待以恳切挚友那样的忠诚。我们假设团结一样，就能在许多合作事业中无在而下胜；我们假设分歧对立，就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵下
休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。
对那些我们欢迎其参与到自由行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消逝的殖民统治。我们并不总是渴望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终渴望看到他们坚毅地维护自己的自由——而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地骑在虎背上谋求权力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告终。
对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贪困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽量大努力帮助他们独立，不管须要花多长时间——之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们须要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的，自由社会假设不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法保全少数富人。
对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证——在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充溢渴望的和平革命决不行以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让全部邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进展侵略和颠覆活动。让全部其他国家都知道，本半球的人照旧想做自己家园的主子。
联合国是主权国家的世界性议事机构，是我们在斗争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里最终的、最奇妙的渴望所在。因此，我们重申予以支持；防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的爱惜；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。
最终，对那些想与我们作时的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力气，把全人类卷人到预谋的或意外的自我歼灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新起先寻求和平。
我们不敢以怯弱来他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信恒久下会运用这些军备。
因为近义词但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到劝慰——发呈现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散天经地义使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却在争着变更那制止人类发动最终斗争的不移定的恐惊均势。因此，让我们双方重新起先——双方都要牢记。礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意恒久有侍于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。
让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。
让双方首次为军备检查和军备限制制订慎重而又明确的提案，把歼灭他国的确定力气置于全部国家的确定限制之下。
让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐惊。让我们一起探究星球，折服沙漠，铲除疾患，开发深梅，并鼓舞艺术和商业的开展。
让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令——“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”
假设合作的滩头阵地的逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力：不是建立一种新的均势，而是缔造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者平安，和平将得到维护。
全部这一切下可能在第一个一百天内完成，也不行能在第一个一千天或者在本届政府任期内完成，甚至或许不行能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们起先吧。
公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说驾驭在我手中，不如说驾驭在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到呼喊去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应呼喊而献身的美国青年的坟墓普及全球。
此时此刻，号角已再次吹响——不是呼喊我们拿起武器，虽然我们须要武器，不是呼喊我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它呼喊我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，“从渴望中得到欢乐，在苦难中保持坚韧”，去反对人类共同的敌人——专制、贫困、疾病和斗争本身。
为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们情愿参与这一历史性的努力吗？腰豆的功效与作用
在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最紧急的时刻被赐予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不坚信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和全部力国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光线定能照亮全世界。
因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家实力你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。
全世界的公民们，不要间美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自中做些什么。
最终，不管你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应当要求我们现出我们同样要求于你们地高度力气和牺牲。心安理得是我们唯一牢靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所珍爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，精确的说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。
My fellow citizens:
We obrve today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
政治理论学习个人总结We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.
Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been pasd to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of tho human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppo any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge -- and more.
To tho old allies who cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To tho new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have pasd away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, tho who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To tho people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass miry, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themlves, for whatever period is required -- not becau the Communists may be doing it, not becau we ek their votes, but becau it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppo aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own hou.
To that world asmbly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to tho nations who would make themlves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planne
d or accidental lf-destruction.
葡萄牙人We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our prent cour -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring tho problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate rious and preci proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. Let both sides ek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let u
s explore the stars, conquer the derts, eradicate dia, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppresd go free."1
影视马
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak cure, and the peace prerved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cour. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to rvice surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year
in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"2 a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, dia, and war itlf.
Can we forge against the enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been燕子双飞去
granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who rve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high sta
ndards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
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