The Metropolis and Mental Life by Georg Simmel adapted by D. Weinstein from Kurt Wolff (Trans.) The Sociology of Georg Simmel. New York: Free Press, 1950, pp.409-424 1. 晋商文化The deepest problems of modern life derive from the claim of the individual to prerve the autonomy and individuality of his existence in the face of overwhelming social forces, of historical heritage, of external culture, and of the technique of life. The fight with nature which primitive man has to wage for his bodily existence attains in this modern form its latest transformation. The eighteenth century called upon man to free himlf of all the historical bonds in the state and in religion, in morals and in economics. Man's nature, originally good and common to all, should develop unhampered. In addition to more liberty, the nineteenth century demanded the functional specialization {1} of man and his work; this specialization makes one individual incomparable to another, and each of them indispensable to the highest possible extent. However, this specialization makes each man the more directly dependent upon the supplementary activities of all others. Nietzsche es the full development of the individual conditioned by the most ruthless struggle of individuals; socialism believes in the suppression of all competition for the same reason. Be that as it may, in all the positions the same basic motive is at work: the person resists to being leveled down and worn out by a social-technological mechanism. An inquiry into the inner meaning of specifically modern life and its products, into the soul {2} of the cultural body, so to speak, must ek to solve the equation which structures like the metropolis t up between the individual and the super-individual contents of life {3}. Such an inquiry must answer the question of how the personality accommodates itlf in the adjustments to external forces. This will be my task today. 2. The psychological basis of the metropolitan type of individuality consists in the intensification of nervous stimulation which results from the swift and uninterrupted change of outer and inner stimuli. Man is a differentiating creature. His mind is stimulated by the difference between a momentary impression and the one which preceded it. Lasting impressions, {4} impressions which differ only slightly from one another, impressions which take a regular and habitual cour and show regular and habitual contrasts-all the u up, so to speak, less consciousness than does the rapid crowding of changing images, the sharp discontinuity in the grasp of a single glance, and the unexpectedness of onrushing impressions. The are the psychological conditions which the metropolis creates. With each crossing of the street, with the tempo and multiplicity of economic, occupational and social life, the city ts up a deep contrast with small town and rural life with reference to the nsory foundations of psychic life. The metropolis exacts from man as a discriminating creature a different amount of consciousness than does rural life. Here the rhythm of life and nsory mental imagery flows more slowly, more habitually, and more evenly. Precily in this connection the sophisticated character of metropolitan psychic life becomes understandable - as over against small town life which rests more upon deeply felt and emotional relationships. The latter are rooted in the more unconscious layers of the psyche {5} and grow most readily in the steady rhythm of uninterrupted habituations. The intellect {6}, however, has its locus in the transparent, conscious, higher layers of the psyche; it is the most adaptable of our inner forces. In order to accommodate to change and to the contrast of phenomena, the intellect does not require any shocks and inner upheavals; it is only through such upheavals that the more conrvative mind could accommodate to the metropolitan rhythm of events. Thus the metropolitan type of man-which, of cour, exists in a thousand individual variants - develops an organ protecting him against the threatening currents and discrepancies of his external environment which would uproot him. He reacts with his head instead of his heart. In this an incread awareness assumes the psychic prerogative. Metropolitan life, thus, underlies a heightened awareness and a predominance of intelligence in metropolitan man. The reaction to metropolitan phenomena is shifted to that organ which is least nsitive and quite remote from the depth of the personality. Intellectuality is thus en to prerve subjective life against the overwhelming power of metropolitan life, and intellectuality branches out in many directions and is integrated with numerous discrete phenomena. 3. The metropolis has always been the at of the money economy. Here the multiplicity and concentration of economic exchange gives an importance to the means of exchange {7} which the scantiness of rural commerce would not have allowed. Money economy and the dominance of the intellect are intrinsically connected. They share a matter-of-fact attitude in dealing with men and with things; and, in this attitude, a formal justice {8} is often coupled with an inconsiderate hardness. The intellectually sophisticated person is indifferent to all genuine individuality, becau relationships and reactions result from it which cannot be exhausted with logical operations. In the same manner, the individuality of phenomena is not commensurate with the pecuniary {9} principle. Money is concerned only with what is common to all: it asks for the exchange value, it reduces all quality and individuality to the question: How much? All intimate emotional relations between persons are founded in their individuality, whereas in rational relations man is reckoned with like a number, like an element which is in itlf indifferent. Only the objective measurable achievement is of interest. Thus metropolitan man reckons with his merchants and customers, his domestic rvants and often even with persons with whom he is obliged to have social intercour. The features of intellectuality contrast with the nature of the small circle in which the inevitable knowledge of individuality as inevitably produces a warmer tone of behavior, a behavior which is beyond a mere objective balancing of rvice and return. In the sphere of the economic psychology of the small group it is of importance that under primitive conditions production rves the customer who orders the good, so that the producer and the consumer are acquainted. The modern metropolis, however, is supplied almost entirely by production for the market, that is, for entirely unknown purchars who never personally enter the producer's actual field of vision. Through this anonymity the interests of each party acquire an unmerciful matter-of-factness; and the intellectually calculating economic egoisms of both parties need not fear any deflection becau of the imponderables of personal relationships. The money economy {10} dominates the metropolis; it has displaced the last survivals of domestic production and the direct barter of goods; it minimizes, from day to day, the amount of work ordered by customers. The matter-of-fact attitude is obviously so intimately interrelated with the money economy, which is dominant in the metropolis, that nobody can say whether the intellectualistic mentality first promoted the money economy or whether the latter determined the former. The metropolitan way of life is certainly the most fertile soil for this reciprocity, a point which I shall document merely by citing the dictum of the most eminent English constitutional historian: throughout the whole cour of English history, London has never acted as England's heart but often as England's intellect and always as her moneybag! 4. In certain emingly insignificant traits, which lie upon the surface of life, the same psychic currents characteristically unite. Modern mind has become more and more calculating. The calculative exactness of practical life which the money economy has brought about corresponds to the ideal of natural science: to transform the world into an arithmetic problem, to fix every part of the world by mathematical formulas. Only money economy has filled the days of so many people with weighing, calculating, with numerical determinations, with a reduction of qualitative {11} values to quantitative {12} ones. Through the calculative nature of money a new precision, a certainty in the definition of identities and differences, an unambiguousness in agreements and arrangements has been brought about in the relations of life-elements - just as externally this precision has been effected by the universal diffusion of pocket watches. However, the conditions of metropolitan life are at once cau and effect of this trait. The relationships and affairs of the typical metropolitan usually are so varied and complex that without the strictest punctuality in promis and rvices the whole structure would break down into an inextricable chaos. Above all, this necessity is brought about by the aggregation of so many people with such differentiated interests, who must integrate their relations and activities into a highly complex organism. If all clocks and watches in Berlin would suddenly go wrong in different ways, even if only by one hour, all economic life and communication of the city would be disrupted for a long time. In addition an apparently mere external factor: long distances, would make all waiting and broken appointments result in an ill-afforded waste of time. Thus, the technique of metropolitan life is unimaginable without the most punctual integration of all activities and mutual relations into a stable and impersonal time schedule. Here again the general conclusions of this entire task of reflection become obvious namely, that from each point on the surface of existence - however cloly attached to the surface alone - one may drop a sounding into the depth of the psyche so that all the most banal externalities of life finally are connected with the ultimate decisions concerning the meaning and style of life. Punctuality, calculability, exactness are forced upon life by the complexity and extension of metropolitan existence and are not only most intimately connected with its money economy and intellectualist character. The traits must also color the contents of life and favor the exclusion of tho irrational, instinctive, sovereign traits and impuls which aim at determining the mode of life from within, instead of receiving the general and precily schematized form of life from without. Even though sovereign types of personality {13}, characterized by irrational impuls, are by no means impossible in the city, they are nevertheless, oppod to typical city life. The passionate hatred of men like Ruskin and Nietzsche for the metropolis is understandable in the terms. Their natures discovered the value of life alone in the unschematized existence which cannot be defined with precision for all alike. From the same source of this hatred of the metropolis surged their hatred of money economy and of the intellectualism of modern existence. 豆角烧肉5. The same factors which have thus coalesced into the exactness and minute precision of the form of life have coalesced into a structure of the highest impersonality; on the other hand, they have promoted a highly personal subjectivity. There is perhaps no psychic phenomenon which has been so unconditionally rerved to the metropolis as has the blas?{14} attitude. The blas?attitude results first from the rapidly changing and cloly compresd contrasting stimulations of the nerves. From this, the enhancement of metropolitan intellectuality, also, ems originally to stem. Therefore, stupid people who are not intellectually alive in the first place usually are not exactly blas? A life in boundless pursuit of pleasure makes one blas?becau it agitates the nerves to their strongest reactivity for such a long time that they finally cea to react at all. In the same way, through the rapidity and contradictoriness of their changes, more harmless impressions force such violent respons, tearing the nerves so brutally hither and thither that their last rerves of strength are spent; and if one remains in the same milieu they have no time to gather new strength. An incapacity thus emerges to react to new nsations with the appropriate energy. This constitutes that blas? attitude which, in fact, every metropolitan child shows when compared with children of quieter and less changeable milieus. 联合办厂项目 6. This physiological source of the metropolitan blas?attitude is joined by another source which flows from the money economy. The esnce of the blas?attitude consists in the blunting of discrimination. This does not mean that the objects are not perceived, as is the ca with the half-wit, but rather that the meaning and differing values of things, and thereby the things themlves, are experienced as insubstantial. They appear to the blas?person in an evenly flat and gray tone; no one object derves preference over any other. This mood is the faithful subjective reflection of the completely internalized money economy. By being the equivalent to all the manifold things in one and the same way, money becomes the most frightful leveler. For money express all qualitative differences of things in terms of "how much?" Money, with all its colorlessness and indifference, becomes the common denominator of all values; irreparably it hollows out the core of things, their individuality, their specific value, and their incomparability. All things float with equal specific gravity in the constantly moving stream of money. All things lie on the same level and differ from one another only in the size of the area which they cover. In the individual ca this coloration, or rather discoloration, of things through their money equivalence may be unnoticeably minute. However, through the relations of the rich to the objects to be had for money, perhaps even through the total character which the mentality of the contemporary public everywhere imparts to the objects, the exclusively pecuniary evaluation of objects has become quite considerable. The large cities, the main ats of the money exchange, bring the purchasability of things to the fore much more impressively than do smaller localities. That is why cities are also the genuine locale of the blas?attitude. In the blas?attitude the concentration of men and things stimulate the nervous system of the individual to its highest achievement so that it attains its peak. Through the mere quantitative intensification of the same conditioning factors this achievement is transformed into its opposite and appears in the peculiar adjustment of the blas?attitude. In this phenomenon the nerves find in the refusal to react to their stimulation the last possibility of accommodating to the contents and forms of metropolitan life. The lf-prervation of certain personalities is brought at the price of devaluating the whole objective world, a devaluation which in the end unavoidably drags one's own personality down into a feeling of the same worthlessness. 7. Whereas the subject of this form of existence has to come to terms with it entirely for himlf, his lf-prervation in the face of the large city demands from him a no less negative behavior of a social nature. This mental attitude of metropolitans toward one another we may designate, from a formal point of view, as rerve {15}. If so many inner reactions were respons to the continuous external contacts with innumerable people as are tho in the small town, where one knows almost everybody one meets and where one has a positive relation to almost everyone, one would be completely atomized internally and come to an unimaginable psychic state. Partly this psychological fact, partly the right to distrust which men have in the face of the touch-and-go elements of metropolitan life, necessitates our rerve. As a result of this rerve we frequently do not even know by sight tho who have been our neighbors for years. And it is this rerve which in the eyes of the small-town people makes us appear to be cold and heartless. Indeed, if I do not deceive mylf, the inner aspect of this outer rerve is not only indifference but, more often than we are aware, it is a slight aversion, a mutual strangeness and repulsion, which will break into hatred and fight at the moment of a clor contact, however caud. The whole inner organization of such an extensive communicative life rests upon an extremely varied hierarchy of sympathies, indifferences, and aversions of the briefest as well as of the most permanent nature. The sphere of indifference in this hierarchy is not as large as might appear on the surface. Our psychic activity still responds to almost every impression of somebody el with a somewhat distinct feeling. The unconscious, fluid and changing character of this impression ems to result in a state of indifference. Actually this indifference would be just as unnatural as the diffusion of indiscriminate mutual suggestion would be unbearable. From both the typical dangers of the metropolis, indifference and indiscriminate suggestibility, antipathy protects us. A latent antipathy and the preparatory stage of practical antagonism effect the distances and aversions without which this mode of life could not at all be led. The extent and the mixture of this style of life, the rhythm of its emergence and disappearance, the forms in which it is satisfied- all the, with the unifying motives in the narrower n, form the inparable whole of the metropolitan style of life. What appears in the metropolitan style of life directly as dissociation is in reality only one of its elemental forms of socialization. 8. This rerve with its overtone of hidden aversion appears in turn as the form or the cloak of a more general mental phenomenon of the metropolis: it grants to the individual a kind and an amount of personal freedom which has no analogy whatsoever under other conditions. The metropolis goes back to one of the large developmental tendencies of social life as such, to one of the few tendencies for which an approximately universal formula can be discovered. The earliest pha of social formations found in historical as well as in contemporary social structures is this: a relatively small circle firmly clod against neighboring, strange, or in some way antagonistic circles. However, this circle is cloly coherent and allows its individual members only a narrow field for the development of unique qualities and free, lf-responsible movements. Political and kinship groups, parties and religious associations begin in this way. The lf-prervation of very young associations requires the establishment of strict boundaries and a centripetal unity. Therefore they cannot allow the individual freedom and unique inner and outer development. From this stage social development proceeds at once in two different, yet corresponding, directions. To the extent to which the group grows - numerically, spatially, in significance and in content of life - to the same degree the group's direct, inner unity loons, and the rigidity of the original demarcation against others is softened through mutual relations and connections. At the same time, the individual gains freedom of movement, far beyond the first jealous delimitation. The individual also gains a specific individuality to which the division of labor in the enlarged group gives both occasion and necessity. The state and Christianity, guilds and political parties, and innumerable other groups have developed according to this formula, however much, of cour, the special conditions and forces of the respective groups have modified the general scheme. This scheme ems to me distinctly recognizable also in the evolution of individuality within urban life. The small-town life in Antiquity and in the Middle Ages t barriers against movement and relations of the individual toward the outside, and it t up barriers against individual independence and differentiation within the individual lf. The barriers were such that under them modern man could not have breathed. Even today a metropolitan man who is placed in a small town feels a restriction similar, at least, in kind. The smaller the circle which forms our milieu is, and the more restricted tho relations to others are which dissolve the boundaries of the individual, the more anxiously the circle guards the achievements, the conduct of life, and the outlook of the individual, and the more readily a quantitative and qualitative specialization would break up the framework of the whole little circle. 9. The ancient polis {16} in this respect ems to have had the very character of a small town. The constant threat to its existence at the hands of enemies from near and afar effected strict coherence in political and military respects, a supervision of the citizen by the citizen, a jealousy of the whole against the individual who particular life was suppresd to such a degree that he could compensate only by acting as a despot in his own houhold. The tremendous agitation and excitement, the unique colorfulness of Athenian life, can perhaps be understood in terms of the fact that a people of incomparably individualized personalities struggled against the constant inner and outer pressure of a deindividualizing small town. This produced a ten atmosphere in which the weaker individuals were suppresd and tho of stronger natures were incited to prove themlves in the most passionate manner. This is precily why it was that there blossomed in Athens what must be called, without defining it exactly, "the general human character" in the intellectual development of our species. For we maintain factual as well as historical validity for the following connection: the most extensive and the most general contents and forms of life are most intimately connected with the most individual ones. They have a preparatory stage in common, that is, they find their enemy in narrow formations and groupings the maintenance of which places both of them into a state of defen against expan and generality lying without and the freely moving individuality within. Just as in the feudal age, the "free" man was the one who stood under the law of the land, that is, under the law of the largest social orbit, and the unfree man was the one who derived his right merely from the narrow circle of a feudal association and was excluded from the larger social orbit - so today metropolitan man is "free" in a spiritualized and refined n, in contrast to the pettiness and prejudices which hem in the small-town man. For the reciprocal rerve and indifference and the intellectual life conditions of large circles are never felt more strongly by the individual in their impact upon his independence than in the thickest crowd of the big city. This is becau the bodily proximity and narrowness of space makes the mental distance only the more visible. It is obviously only the obver {17}of this freedom if, under certain circumstances, one nowhere feels as lonely and lost as in the metropolitan crowd. For here as elwhere it is by no means necessary that the freedom of man be reflected in his emotional life as comfort. 10. It is not only the immediate size of the area and the number of persons which, becau of the universal historical correlation between the enlargement of the circle and the personal inner and outer freedom, has made the metropolis the locale of freedom. It is rather in transcending this visible expan that any given city becomes the at of cosmopolitanism.{18} The horizon of the city expands in a manner comparable to the way in which wealth develops; a certain amount of property increas in a quasi-automatical way in ever more rapid progression. As soon as a certain limit has been pasd, the economic, personal, and intellectual relations of the citizenry, the sphere of intellectual predominance of the city over its hinterland, grow as in geometrical progression. Every gain in dynamic extension becomes a step, not for an equal, but for a new and larger extension. From every thread spinning out of the city, ever new threads grow as if by themlves, just as within the city the unearned increment of ground rent, through the mere increa in communication, brings the owner automatically increasing profits. At this point, the quantitative aspect of life is transformed directly into qualitative traits of character. The sphere of life of the small town is, in the main, lf-contained and autarchic. {19} For it is the decisive nature of the metropolis that its inner life overflows by waves into a far-flung national or international area. Weimar is not an example to the contrary, since its significance was hinged upon individual personalities and died with them; whereas the metropolis is indeed characterized by its esntial independence even from the most eminent individual personalities. This is the counterpart to the independence, and it is the price the individual pays for the independence, which he enjoys in the metropolis. The most significant characteristic of the metropolis is this functional extension beyond its physical boundaries. And this efficacy reacts in turn and gives weight, importance, and responsibility to metropolitan life. Man does not end with the limits of his body or the area comprising his immediate activity. Rather is the range of the person constituted by the sum of effects emanating from him temporally and spatially. In the same way, a city consists of its total effects which extend beyond its immediate confines. Only this range is the city's actual extent in which its existence is expresd. This fact makes it obvious that individual freedom, the logical and historical complement of such extension, is not to be understood only in the negative n of mere freedom of mobility and elimination of prejudices and petty philistinism. The esntial point is that the particularity and incomparability, which ultimately every human being posss, be somehow expresd in the working-out of a way of life. That we follow the laws of our own nature-and this after all is freedom-becomes obvious and convincing to ourlves and to others only if the expressions of this nature differ from the expressions of others. Only our unmistakability proves that our way of life has not been superimpod by others. 11. Cities are, first of all, ats of the highest economic division of labor. They produce thereby such extreme phenomena as in Paris the remunerative occupation of the quatorzi鑝e. They are persons who identify themlves by signs on their residences and who are ready at the dinner hour in correct attire, so that they can be quickly called upon if a dinner party should consist of thirteen persons. In the measure of its expansion, the city offers more and more the decisive conditions of the division of labor. It offers a circle which through its size can absorb a highly diver variety of rvices. At the same time, the concentration of individuals and their struggle for customers compel the individual to specialize in a function from which he cannot be readily displaced by another. It is decisive that city life has transformed the struggle with nature for livelihood into an inter-human struggle for gain, which here is not granted by nature but by other men. For specialization does not flow only from the competition for gain but also from the underlying fact that the ller must always ek to call forth new and differentiated needs of the lured customer. In order to find a source of income which is not yet exhausted, and to find a function which cannot readily be displaced, it is necessary to specialize in one's rvices. This process promotes differentiation, refinement, and the enrichment of the public's needs, which obviously must lead to growing personal differences within this public. 12. All this forms the transition to the individualization of mental and psychic traits which the city occasions in proportion to its size. There is a whole ries of obvious caus underlying this process. First, one must meet the difficulty of asrting his own personality within the dimensions of metropolitan life. Where the quantitative increa in importance and the expen of energy reach their limits, one izes upon qualitative differentiation in order somehow to attract the attention of the social circle by playing upon its nsitivity for differences. Finally, man is tempted to adopt the most tendentious {20} peculiarities, that is, the specifically metropolitan extravagances of mannerism, caprice, and preciousness. Now, the meaning of the extravagances does not at all lie in the contents of such behavior, but rather in its form of "being different," of standing out in a striking manner and thereby attracting attention. For many character types, ultimately the only means of saving for themlves some modicum of lf-esteem and the n of filling a position is indirect, through the awareness of others. In the same n a emingly insignificant factor is operating, the cumulative effects of which are, however, still noticeable. I refer to the brevity and scarcity of the inter-human contacts granted to the metropolitan man, as compared with social intercour in the small town. The temptation to appear "to the point," to appear concentrated and strikingly characteristic, lies much clor to the individual in brief metropolitan contacts than in an atmosphere in which frequent and prolonged association assures the personality of an unambiguous image of himlf in the eyes of the other. 儿童成长日记13. The most profound reason, however, why the metropolis conduces to the urge for the most individual personal existence - no matter whether justified and successful - appears to me to be the following: the development of modern culture is characterized by the preponderance of what one may call the "objective spirit" {21} over the "subjective spirit." {22} This is to say, in language as well as in law, in the technique of production as well as in art, in science as well as in the objects of the domestic environment, there is embodied a sum of spirit {23}. The individual in his intellectual development follows the growth of this spirit very imperfectly and at an ever increasing distance. If, for instance, we view the immen culture which for the last hundred years has been embodied in things and in knowledge, in institutions and in comforts, and if we compare all this with the cultural progress of the individual during the same period-at least in high status groups - a frightful disproportion in growth between the two becomes evident. Indeed, at some points we notice a retrogression in the culture of the individual with reference to spirituality, delicacy, and idealism. This discrepancy results esntially from the growing division of labor. For the division of labor demands from the individual an ever more one-sided accomplishment, and the greatest advance in a one-sided pursuit only too frequently means dearth to the personality of the individual. In any ca, he can cope less and less with the overgrowth of objective culture. The individual is reduced to a negligible quantity, perhaps less in his consciousness than in his practice and in the totality of his obscure emotional states that are derived from this practice. The individual has become a mere cog in an enormous organization of things and powers which tear from his hands all progress, spirituality, and value in order to transform them from their subjective form into the form of a purely objective life. It needs merely to be pointed out that the metropolis is the genuine arena of this culture which outgrows all personal life. Here in buildings and educational institutions, in the wonders and comforts of space-conquering technology, in the formations of community life, and in the visible institutions of the state, is offered such an overwhelming fullness of crystallized and impersonalized spirit that the personality, so to speak, cannot maintain itlf under its impact. On the one hand, life is made infinitely easy for the personality in that stimulations, interests, us of time and consciousness are offered to it from all sides. They carry the person as if in a stream, and one needs hardly to swim for onelf. On the other hand, however, life is compod more and more of the impersonal contents and offerings which tend to displace the genuine personal colorations and incomparabilities. This results in the individual's summoning the utmost in uniqueness and particularization, in order to prerve his most personal core. He has to exaggerate this personal element in order to remain audible even to himlf. The atrophy {24} of individual culture through the hypertrophy {25} of objective culture is one reason for the bitter hatred which the preachers of the most extreme individualism, above all Nietzsche, harbor against the metropolis. But it is, indeed, also a reason why the preachers are so passionately loved in the metropolis and why they appear to the metropolitan man as the prophets and saviors of his most unsatisfied yearnings. 14. If one asks for the historical position of the two forms of individualism which are nourished by the quantitative relation of the metropolis, namely, individual independence and the elaboration of individuality itlf, then the metropolis assumes an entirely new rank order in the world history of the spirit. The eighteenth century found the individual in oppressive bonds which had become meaningless-bonds of a political, agrarian, guild, and religious character. They were restraints which, so to speak, forced upon man an unnatural form and outmoded, unjust inequalities. In this situation the cry for liberty and equality aro, the belief in the individual's full freedom of movement in all social and intellectual relationships. Freedom would at once permit the noble substance common to all to come to the fore, a substance which nature had deposited in every man and which society and history had only deformed. Besides this eighteenth-century ideal of liberalism, in the nineteenth century, through Goethe and Romanticism, on the one hand, and through the economic division of labor, on the other hand, another ideal aro: individuals liberated from historical bonds now wished to distinguish themlves from one another. The carrier of man's values is no longer the "general human being" in every individual, but rather man's qualitative uniqueness and irreplaceability. The external and internal history of our time takes its cour within the struggle and in the changing entanglements of the two ways of defining the individual's role in the whole of society. It is the function of the metropolis to provide the arena for this struggle and its reconciliation. For the metropolis prents the peculiar conditions which are revealed to us as the opportunities and the stimuli for the development of both the ways of allocating roles to men. Therewith the conditions gain a unique place, pregnant with inestimable meanings for the development of psychic existence. The metropolis reveals itlf as one of tho great historical formations in which opposing streams which enclo life unfold, as well as join one another with equal right. However, in this process the currents of life, whether their individual phenomena touch us sympathetically or antipathetically, entirely transcend the sphere for which the judge's attitude is appropriate. Since such forces of life have grown into the roots and into the crown of the whole of the historical life in which we, in our fleeting existence, as a cell, belong only as a part, it is not our task either to accu or to pardon, but only to understand. ENDNOTES 1 functional specialization is the division of labor, or work, into parate tasks, each of which contributes to the total result (like an anaesthesiologist, surgeon, surgical nur, etc. participating in an operation); the contribution of each specialized task to the total result is its function 2 what gives something meaning 3 super-individual contents of life are what the individuals in a society share; the term includes culture (for example, money, which is the same thing for all of tho who exchange it and exchange for it) 4 n data: what is en, heard, smelled, touched, tasted and felt 5 the entire conscious life of an individual; its "highest level" is the intellect; its "lowest level" is mute feeling 6 the part of the psyche (mind) that thinks things out and calculates the caus and conquences of action 7 means of exchange are the ways things (goods and rvices) are transferred from one individual to another; eg., by money, by barter, or by custom (eg. birthday gifts) 8 formal justice means that who gets what is strictly determined by rules that pay no attention to individual differences 9 having to do with money 10 in the money economy, things and rvices are produced for money and acquired by paying money for them (as oppod to barter and common sharing) 11 expresd in non-numerical characteristics - eg., color, emotion 12 expresd in numbers 13 sovereign types of personality are personalities that will not change or compromi their distinctive attitudes, behaviors and desires 女人不爱你的表现14 unresponsiveness to stimulation; refusal or inability to be emotionally moved by or involved in people and things 15 holding back from responding fully to other people 16 the unit of ancient Greek society; the city state (Chicago, without the U.S. or Illinois, ruling itlf completely) 17手机买票怎么买 the other side of the story 18 the attitude that nothing human is foreign to me; that the whole realm of culture, wherever it originates, is open to me - I draw no boundaries around parts of culture that make tho parts belong only to parate groups (eg., "Italian culture is only for Italians") 天门山峡谷19 lf-sufficient 20 imposing an agenda, imposing one's will 21 objective culture - the collection of rules, tools, symbols and products created by human beings 捕鸟蜘蛛22 subjective culture - what individuals have been able to absorb and integrate into themlves from objective culture 23 spirit is mind or consciousness, and the results of conscious activity (culture) (for example, composing music and the music that has been compod are types or modes of spirit) 24 wasting away 25 over-development | 现代生活中获得的最深刻的个人索赔的问题，维护社会的压倒性力量面前的自主权和他的个性的存在，历史遗产，对外文化和生活的技术。与自然的原始人要工资，他在这个现代的形式存在，其最新转型身体达到战斗。 18世纪后，男子要求释放所有在该州历史债券和宗教，道德和经济学自己。人的本性，本来很好，共同所有，应该不受阻碍地发展。除了更多的自由，19世纪要求的人与他的工作职能专业化，这使得一个人无法比拟的专业化到另一个，他们每个必不可少的最高程度。然而，这种专业化使每个人更直接呼吁所有依赖他人的补充活动。尼采认为由个人最无情的斗争调节个人的充分发展，社会主义在所有出于同样的原因竞争抑制相信。尽管如此，因为它可在所有这些职位相同的基本动机是在工作：以人抗拒被夷为平地下来，佩戴一个社会的科技机制来进行。一个进入现代生活的具体内涵及其产品进入灵魂的文化机构，查询，可以这么说，必须设法解决方程，结构之间建立类似的个人和生活中的超个人的内容了大都市。这项调查是必须回答的个性如何在调整自己适应外部力量的问题。这将是我今天的任务。 作者：个性的都市型心理基础包括在神经刺激的加剧而从外部和内部的刺激迅速，不间断变化的结果。人是一个与众不同的生物。他的心是刺激一时之间的印象，一个是之前的差异。持久的印象，展示其中仅略有不同彼此，展示它采取定期和习惯的过程和定期的和习惯的对比表明，所有这些的使用，可以这么说，少意识比不改变图像的快速拥挤，不连续的锐利在一个单一的一瞥把握，不可预测的onrushing印象。这些是都市创造心理条件。每一次穿越街道的节奏，经济，职业和社会生活的多样性，该市建立了小城镇和参照心灵生活的基础，农村生活的深刻感觉对比。从人付出高昂代价的大都市作为歧视的意识不同的生物量也比农村生活。这里的生活节奏和感觉精神意象流动更慢，更经常，更均匀。正是在这方面的心理生活的大都市复杂的性格变得可以理解了 - 因为在对小城镇生活，更应深刻感受和情绪的关系负责。这些后者则是植根于心灵更无意识层和生长在不间断habituations稳定的节奏最容易。智，然而，在透明的，自觉的，更高层次的心灵轨迹，它是最适应我们的内心力量。为了适应和改变的现象相反，智力并不需要任何冲击和内部动乱，它只有通过这样的动荡是较保守的态度可以容纳的事件都会节奏。因此，人为的，当然，在一个1000人的变种存在 - 发展器官免受电流的威胁和他的外部环境不符，他将他铲除大都市的类型。他与他的反应，而不是他的心头。在这个日益认识承担精神的特权。 大都会的生活，因此，基础的高度来认识和都市人的智力优势。对都市现象的反应是转移到该机构是最不敏感，并从人格深度相当遥远。因此，人们看到知性是保留对大城市生活压倒性力量主观生活，知性分行在许多方向进行，并与众多离散现象结合起来。 都市一直是货币经济的座位。在这里，多重性和经济交流提供了一个集中的重要性，交换手段（7）其中农村商业缺乏的也不会允许的。货币经济和智力优势的内在联系。他们分享了，其实在男性和做事，态度，在这种态度下，正式的司法（8）往往是一个轻率的硬度与耦合。复杂的人的智力是漠不关心，一切真正的个性，因为从它的关系和反应的结果，不能用逻辑运算用尽。以同样的方式，个性的现象是不与金钱（9）原则相称。金钱是只关心什么是共同的：它的交换价值要求，它减少了所有质量和个性的问题：多少钱？所有的人之间亲密的情感关系是建立在他们的个性，在人类理性的关系，而忽视的是像一个数字，如1元，这本身是漠不关心的。只有客观衡量成就的利益。因此，大城市的人估计与他是有责任的社会交往与他的商家和客户，他的家庭佣人甚至常常与人。的知性与小圆圈的性质相反这些功能在其中的知识，个性必然不可避免地产生一种行为温暖的音调，一个行为，超出了单纯的服务和回报是平衡的目标。在小群重要的是它的原始条件下生产服务于经济心理学领域的客户订单谁好，使生产者和消费者所熟悉。现代大都市，然而，提供几乎完全由市场生产的，也就是说，对于完全未知买家谁从未亲自进入生产者的视野实际领域。通过这个匿名的每一方的利益获得一残酷物的，factness以及双方智力计算经济利己主义不用担心，因为个人关系的不确定因素任何偏转。货币经济占主导地位（10）的大都市，它已经取代国内生产的最后残余，货物直接易货贸易，它最大限度地减少，从一天又一天，由客户订购了大量工作。这个问题，是实在的态度，显然如此密切相关的货币经济，这在大都市占据主导地位，没有人可以说是理智的心态，是否促进了货币经济第一，还是后者决定了前者。生命的都市方式当然是这个互惠最肥沃的土壤，这一点我将文件所引用的最杰出的英国宪法历史学家格言只是：整个英国的历史全过程，伦敦从来没有像英格兰的心脏，但行事经常被英格兰的智力和她的钱袋永远！ |
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