1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说（英文）
First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roovelt
detectorSATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the prent situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me asrt my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itlf--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themlves which is esntial to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in the critical days.
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In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have rin; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by rious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are fr东莞商务英语培训
ozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterpri lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.existent
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of
existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered becau they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous u of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is becau the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have propod only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by dnb
which to induce our people to follow their fal leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of lf-ekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
The money changers have fled from their high ats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere posssion of money; it lies in the joy of
achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad cha of evanescent profits. The dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourlves and to our fellow men.
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Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the fal belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and lfish wrong
doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unlfish performance; without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wily and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itlf, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the u of our natural resources.
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Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better u of the land for tho best fitted for the land. The
task can be helped by definite efforts to rai the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purcha the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of t
he growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly.
Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people's money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
There are the lines of attack. I shall prently urge upon a new Congress in special ssion detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall ek the immediate assistance of the veral States.
pledThrough this program of action we address ourlves to putting our own national hou in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity condary to
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the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides the specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himlf and, becau he does so, respects the rights of others-- the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
abbasIf I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a commo
n discipline, becau without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline, becau it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good. This I propo to offer, pledging that the larger purpos will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with
