湖北大学考博英语-2
(总分68,考试时间90分钟)
Part Ⅰ Vocabulary
1. All theories ______ from practice and m turn rve practice.
A. originate B. restrain
C. modify D. reflect
2. It is strictly ______ that access to confidential documents is denied to all but a few.
A. cured B. forbidden
C. regulated D. determined
3. Jim cooperated on the condition that he would be ______ from procution.
A. immune B. insolated
C. isolated D. avoidable
4. The newly designed zoom has **e distortion previously ______ in a zoom of this range.
A. inherent B. genetic
C. coherent D. generic
5. Although I spoke to him many times, he never took any ______ of what I said.
A. notice B. remark
C. obrvation D. attention
6. Although she was still ill, she ______ herlf from the hospital.
A. extracted B. discharged
C. injected D. drained
7. We"re ______ by mosquitoes up here in the north in summer.
A. infested B. infected C, swarmed D. plagued
8. In this factory, suggestions often have to wait for months before they are fully ______.
A. admitted B. acknowledged
C. absorbed D. considered
9. The new cretary has written a remarkably ______ report only in a few pages but with all the details included.
A. conci B. clear
C. preci D. elaborate
10. He couldn"t explain the problem well, as he had only a(n) ______ knowledge of the subiect.
A. elementary B. rudimentary
C. inceptive D. initial
Part Ⅱ Reading Comprehension
All cultures have some system of measuring duration, or keeping time, but in Western industrialized societies, we keep track of time in what ems to other peoples almost an obssive fashion. We view time as motion on a space, a kind of linear progression measured by the clock and the calendar. This perception contributes to our n of history and the keeping of records, which are typical aspects of Western cultures.
Although our perceptions of time em natural to us, we must not assume that other cultures operate on the same time system. For instance, why should we assume that a Hopi raid in the Hopi culture would have the same intuitions about time that we have? In Hopi history, if records had been written, we would find a different t of cultural and environmental influences working together. The Hopi people are a peaceful agricultural s
ociety isolated by geographic feature and nomad enemies in a land of little rainfall. Their agriculture is successful only by the greatest perverance. Extensive preparations are needed to ensure crop growth. Thus the Hopi value persistence and repetition in activity. They have a n of the cumulative value of numerous, small, repeated movements, for to them such movements are not wasted but are stored up to make changes in later events. The Hopi have no intuition of time as motion, as a smooth flowing line on which everything in the univer proceeds at an equal rate away from a past, through a prent, into a foreeable future.
Long and careful study of the Hopi language has revealed that it contains no words, grammatical forms, constructions, or expressions that refer to what we call time-the past, prent, or future-or to the duration or lasting aspect of time. To the Hopi, "time" is a "getting later" of everything that has been done, so that past and prent merge together. The Hopi do not speak, as we do in English, of a "new day" or "another day" coming every twenty-four hours; among the Hopi, the return of the day is like the return of a person, a little older but with all the characteristics of yesterday. This Hopi conception, wit
h its emphasis on the repetitive aspect of time rather than its onward flow, may be clearly en in their ritual dances for rain and good crops, in which the basic step is a short, quick stamping of the foot repeated thousands of times, hour after hour.
Of cour, the American conception of time is significantly different from that of the Hopi. Americans" understanding of time is typical of Western cultures in general and industrialized societies in particular. Americans view time as a commodity, as a "thing" that can be saved, spent, or wasted. We budget our time as we budget our money. We even say, "Time is money", We are concerned in America with being "on time"; We don"t like to "waste" time by waiting for someone who is late or by repeating information; and we like to "spend" time wily by keeping busy. The statements all sound natural to a North American. In fact, we think, how could it be otherwi? It is difficult for us not to be irritated by the apparent carelessness about time in other cultures. For example, individuals in other countries frequently turn up an hour or more late for an appointment-although "being late" is at least within our cultural framework. For instance, how can we begin to enter the cultural world of the Sioux, in which there is no word for "late" or "waitin
g". Of cour, the fact is that we have not had to enter the Sioux culture; the Sioux have had to enter ours. It is only when we participate in other cultures on their terms that we can begin to e the cultural patterning of time.
